NATÁLIA PASSOS MAZOTTE CORTEZ LIBERTE O ...

UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO DE JANEIRO

CENTRO DE FILOSOFIA E CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS

ESCOLA DE COMUNICAÇÃO

PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM COMUNICAÇÃO E

CULTURA

NATÁLIA PASSOS MAZOTTE CORTEZ

LIBERTE O CONHECIMENTO:

Ética hacker, P2P e as novas perspectivas para a moral

contemporânea

Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil2013




contemporânea

Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação e Cultura da Escola de Comunicação da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) como requisito parcial à obtenção do título de Mestre em Comunicação e Cultura.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Márcio Tavares D’Amaral

Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil2013

C694 Cortez, Natália Passos Mazotte

Liberte o conhecimento: ética hacker, P2P e as novas perspectivas para a moral contemporânea / Natália Passos Mazotte Cortez. Rio de Janeiro,

2013. 278 f.: il.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Márcio Tavares D’Amaral.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Escola de Comunicação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Comuni- cação, 2013.

1. Ética Hacker. 2.P2P. 3. Transparência Hacker. I. D’Amaral, Márcio Tavares. II. Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro. Escola de Comunicação.

CDD: 302.23




contemporânea

Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação e Cultura da Escola de Comunicação da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) como requisito parcial à obtenção do título de Mestre em Comunicação e Cultura.

Aprovada em

Comissão Examinadora

_____________________________________

Márcio Tavares D’Amaral, Dr. (UFRJ)

(Presidente/Orientador)

_____________________________________

Henrique Antoun, Dr. (UFRJ)

_____________________________________

Fernanda Glória Bruno, Dr. (UFRJ)

AGRADECIMENTOS

A todos os professores que, com sua dedicação e generosidade, inspiraram minha

trilha acadêmica e compartilharam seus conhecimentos, sugestões e críticas.

Em especial, ao meu querido orientador Márcio Tavares D’Amaral, que me concedeu

um voto de confiança e liberdade e me fez acreditar que eu seria capaz de levar adiante a

proposta, mesmo com todos os riscos que ela apresentava.

Aos amigos Luiz Henrique Coletto e Leonardo Schabbach, pelo exame minucioso e

sugestivo deste trabalho.

À Rose, Júlio, Pedro, Regina e Gabriel, pelo apoio de sempre.

Ao meu marido Bruno Serman, pelo carinho e compreensão no turbulento período de

pesquisa e escrita.

A todos da comunidade Transparência Hacker, em especial Pedro Markun e Daniela

Silva, que me apresentaram a este incrível universo da ética hacker.

Aos hackers que lutam pela verdade e pelo livre conhecimento, Snowdens e Swartz

capazes de arriscar a própria liberdade para assegurar que ela se preserve para todos.

RESUMO

CORTEZ, Natália Passos Mazotte. Liberte o conhecimento: ética hacker, P2P e as novas

perspectivas para a moral contemporânea. Rio de Janeiro, 2013. Dissertação (Mestrado em

Comunicação e Cultura) – Escola de Comunicação, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro,

Rio de Janeiro, 2013, XXXp.

Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo ampliar a reflexão sobre a ética hacker, verificar

como ela se expressa no contexto brasileiro e contribuir para problematizar o seu papel no

surgimento de novas configurações morais da sociedade contemporânea, com ênfase nos

valores presentes na cultura P2P emergente, que não se restringem aos limites binários do

ciberespaço. Ela explora a construção midiática sobre o termo hacker no Brasil pela análise de

dados recolhidos dos últimos 10 anos do jornal de maior circulação no país, a Folha de S.

Paulo, e questiona de que forma a passagem do hacker “herói” para o “criminoso” se

contrapõe a um anseio por mais liberdade na rede. O trabalho também analisa, com base em

uma minuciosa pesquisa netnográfica, na observação participante sobre a comunidade

Transparência Hacker e em entrevistas qualitativas com alguns de seus principais membros,

como a ética hacker se manifesta neste grupo e extrapola o âmbito técnico para influenciar

novos campos sociais e políticos. Por fim, utilizando também a observação participante como

metodologia, verifica-se de que forma a ética hacker está presente em um projeto de consumo

colaborativo, o Couchsurfing, tendo como estudo de caso a comunidade do Couchsurfing no

Rio de Janeiro. Estes dois estudos de caso revelam a importância da cultura colaborativa, da

transparência de informações e da lógica não proprietária (assegurada por novas licenças

criadas como alternativa ao copyright), base da ética hacker, para os novos comportamentos

sociais que têm afetado a moral contemporânea.

Palavras-chave: Ética Hacker. P2P. Moral contemporânea. Netnografia. Transparência Hacker.

ABSTRACT

CORTEZ, Natália Passos Mazotte. Liberte o conhecimento: ética hacker, P2P e as novas

perspectivas para a moral contemporânea. Rio de Janeiro, 2013. Dissertação (Mestrado em

Comunicação e Cultura) – Escola de Comunicação, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro,

Rio de Janeiro, 2013, XXXp.

This paper aims to extend the reflection on hacker ethics and to contribute to discuss

its role in the emergence of new moral configurations of contemporary society, with emphasis

on the values of the emerging P2P culture, which are not restricted to the binary boundaries of

cyberspace, evaluated from communities and practices in the Brazilian context. It explores the

mediatic construction on the term hacker in Brazil by analyzing data collected from the

largest circulation newspaper in the country, A Folha de S. Paulo, in the last 10 years, and

questions how the transition from the “hero” to the “criminal” hacker is opposed to a desire

for more freedom in the network. The paper also analyzes, based on a thorough netnographic

research, on a participant observation on the Transparência Hacker community and on

qualitative interviews with some of its key members, how the hacker ethics is manifested in

this group and goes beyond the technical scope to influence new social and political fields.

Finally, also using participant observation as a methodology, the paper aims to verify how the

hacker ethics is present in a project of collaborative consumption, the Couchsurfing, taking as

a case study the Couchsurfing community in Rio de Janeiro. These two case studies reveal the

importance of collaborative culture, transparency of information and non-proprietary logic

(ensured by new licenses created as an alternative to copyright), the basis of the hacker ethics,

for the new social behaviors that have affected the contemporary moral.

Keywords: Hacker ethics. P2P. Contemporary Moral. Netnography. Transparência Hacker.

SUMÁRIO

1 INTRODUÇÃO 08

1.1. O domínio da técnica 08

1.2. A ética da liberdade no ciberespaço 10

1.3. Transformações na moral contemporânea 12

1.4. Apontamentos teóricos e metodológicos 14

2 ÉTICA HACKER E REVOLUÇÃO DIGITAL 17

2.1 Os primeiros hackers e o início da computação 17

2.2. O desenvolvimento do software livre 24

2.3 Internet: uma invenção hacker 31

2.4 Hacktivismo 36

3 ETNOGRAFIA DIGITAL: HACKERS BRASILEIROS 39

3.1 A metodologia de pesquisa netnográfica 39

3.2 Estigma e desvio: como os hackers são vistos no Brasil 41

3.3 Estudo de caso: Transparência Hacker 48

4 P2P: A LÓGICA DA PRODUÇÃO ENTRE PARES 59

4.1 Capitalismo cognitivo e produção de valor 59

4.2 P2P e economia da dádiva 61

4.3 O poder protocolar 65

4.4 Estudo de caso: CouchSurfing 68

4.4.1 Consumo colaborativo 69

4.4.2 Couchsurfing.org: o projeto 71

4.4.3 Análise do grupo de couchsurfers do Rio de Janeiro 74

5 CONSIDERAÇÕES FINAIS: NOVAS PERSPECTIVAS PARA A MORAL CONTEMPORÂNEA 88

REFERÊNCIAS 93

APÊNDICES 101

1 INTRODUÇÃO

1.1. O domínio da técnica

“O peixe não reconhece a água.” (Lao-Tse)

“Sempre se supôs que os instrumentos são modelos

de pensamento. O homem os inventa, tendo por

modelo seu próprio corpo. Esquece-se depois do

modelo, 'aliena-se', e vai tomar o instrumento como

modelo do mundo, de si próprio e da sociedade.”

(Vilém Flusser)

As redes são hoje o mais novo espaço de organização da cultura. A comunicação

mediada por computadores nos trouxe à era pós-industrial (BELL, 1999), da sociedade da

informação (CASTELLS, 2003), do capitalismo cognitivo (NEGRI, 2004), entre tantos outros

conceitos criados para dar conta das mudanças nas coordenadas básicas dos sistemas de

representação que definem nossa percepção de mundo: tempo-espaço. Achatamento do

tempo, contração do espaço. Presente, passado e futuro, local e não local, divididos por linha

de nitidez cada vez menor (HARVEY, 1992). Uma era em que processos de geração de

conhecimentos, poder político, produtividade econômica e comportamento social são

profundamente transformados pelo novo paradigma tecnológico.

O desenvolvimento técnico traz questões importantes para se pensar como o ser

humano se comporta em relação às suas próprias criações. As frases iniciais deste capítulo

ilustram o momento em que vivemos. O domínio da técnica sobre o homem. Vivemos

cercados por aparelhos, mas poucos questionam seus fundamentos enquanto aproveitam,

dóceis e apáticos, seus efeitos. Na reflexão do professor Márcio Tavares D'Amaral em

Contemporaneidade e novas tecnologias, “a eficácia tecnológica que tudo conduz, a mediação

generalizada que tudo produz, a simulação astuciosa que tudo seduz” (D’AMARAL, 1996, p.

9).

O mundo globalizado é hoje organizado a partir de redes telemáticas e computadores,

mas estes se apresentam, para a maior parte da sociedade, como caixas-pretas programadas.

Em sua obra Ciência em Ação, Bruno Latour define caixa-preta da seguinte forma:

A expressão caixa-preta é usada em cibernética sempre que uma máquina ou um conjunto de comandos se revela complexo demais. Em seu lugar, é desenhada uma caixinha preta, a respeito da qual não é preciso saber nada, senão o que nela entra e o que dela sai. (...) Ou seja, por mais controvertida que seja sua história, por mais complexo que seja seu funcionamento interno, por maior que seja a rede comercial ou acadêmica para a sua implementação, a única coisa que conta é o que se põe nela e o que dela se tira. (LATOUR, 2000, p.14)

Flusser, em sua mais conhecida obra, aborda este fenômeno usando como modelo o

aparelho fotográfico. Segundo ele, o aparelho1 nasce como extensão de um sentido humano,

mas acaba por transformar o próprio pensamento que lhe deu origem, invadindo todas as

esferas da práxis humana, levando, com isso, a uma enorme potencialização de nossa

capacidade cognitiva, mas também a uma espécie de amputamento: “estamos já, de forma

espontânea, pensando informaticamente, programaticamente, aparelhisticamente,

imageticamente”. Ele ainda acrescenta que estamos pensando do modo pelo qual ‘pensam’ os

computadores:

Tudo vai se robotizando, isto é, obedece a um ritmo staccato. A crítica da cultura começa a descobri-lo. Sua tarefa seria a de indagar até que ponto o universo da fotografia é responsável pelo que está acontecendo. A hipótese aqui defendida é esta: a invenção do aparelho fotográfico é o ponto a partir do qual a existência humana vai abandonando a estrutura do deslizamento linear, próprio dos textos, para assumir a estrutura de saltear quântico, próprio dos aparelhos. O aparelho fotográfico, enquanto protótipo, é o patriarca de todos os aparelhos. Portanto, o aparelho fotográfico é a fonte da robotização da vida em todos os seus aspectos, desde os gestos exteriorizados ao mais íntimo dos pensamentos, desejos e sentimentos. (FLUSSER, 2002, p.66-67)

A mesma questão é objeto de análise de Martin Heidegger (1997), para o qual a

maneira atual como o homem enxerga o mundo tem como principal responsável o

desenvolvimento da metafísica e é precisamente a técnica o fenômeno que expressa seu

cumprimento. Através dela, o “ser do ente” é reduzido à instrumentalidade e ao controle

1 Na definição de Flusser (2002, p.28), “aparelhos são caixas-pretas que simulam o pensamento humano, graças a teorias científicas, as quais, como o pensamento humano, permutam símbolos contidos em sua “memória”, em seu programa. Caixas-pretas que brincam de pensar”.

técnico, descrevendo um percurso de sistematização da realidade. Nada mais se admite como

desconhecido e misterioso, e tudo ocupa agora um lugar bem definido que coincide por

completo com o exercício instrumental que o objeto apresenta em tal sistema. As coisas são

conhecidas a partir de sua funcionalidade, de sua utilidade. A metafísica passa a ser, no seu

sentido mais extenso, a técnica e a instrumentalização indeterminada do mundo.

Eficácia torna-se a palavra-chave do pensamento em voga atualmente. Liberdade é a

determinada pelo programa do aparelho (FLUSSER, 2002). Contudo, há um grupo que escapa

a essa lógica e, questionando os fundamentos e dominando os códigos das caixas-pretas, é

capaz de esgarçar a limitada liberdade pela instrumentalidade do aparelho pré-determinada e

programar, partindo de uma ética que lhe é peculiar, seu(s) funcionamento(s). Neos da nossa

Matrix. Hackers.

1.2. A ética da liberdade no ciberespaço

Muito se fala dessa subcultura, que esteve presente na criação e se mantém na

permanente construção da rede das redes digitais, a Internet. Contudo, tanto o termo hacker

quanto o ethos deste grupo são cercados de disputas e estão em constante (re)constituição. Se

muitos já ouviram falar dele, o fizeram por intermédio da grande mídia, cuja conotação ao

empregar o termo é, em geral, negativa, em referência a invasores ilegais de sistemas de

computadores, como aprofundaremos mais adiante.

Para além do senso comum alimentado pela representação midiática, hackers podem

ser definidos, de uma maneira geral (a ser devidamente esmiuçada e explorada em capítulo

próprio), como aficionados por computador guiados por uma curiosa paixão por conhecer e

modificar aspectos de sistemas técnicos, e frequentemente comprometidos eticamente com a

liberdade de informação. (COLEMAN, 2012, p.3)

Eles estão por trás de uma vibrante e nova cultura política que envolve colaboração,

abertura e descentralização, características que ajudaram a forjar a Internet como ela é

conhecida hoje. Como avalia Manuel Castells, “a cultura dos produtores da Internet moldou o

meio. Esses produtores foram, ao mesmo tempo, seus primeiros usuários. (...) A cultura da

Internet é a cultura dos criadores da Internet” (CASTELLS, 2003, p. 34).

Suas raízes vêm da efervescência da ‘contracultura’ dos anos 60, movimento cujas

principais reivindicações eram a distribuição do poder e a emancipação das pessoas pelo

acesso às informações. Na base do pensamento hacker está a concepção de que a informação

e o conhecimento, graças à sua natureza intangível, não devem ser submetidos à lógica

proprietária hegemônica da maioria dos bens materiais. Na célebre frase de Stewart Brand, “a

informação quer ser livre” (1985, p.49).

É nesse contexto que a transparência dos códigos e protocolos por trás dos softwares,

que se apresentam como a interface entre nós e o conteúdo que circula na web, torna-se uma

bandeira dos hackers – seja por questões políticas ou técnicas – que, ao se impor, permite que

o ciberespaço possa ser considerado uma esfera pública, como argumenta Silveira (2005).

Bloquear o código-fonte equivale a impedir que as pessoas conheçam o software em sua

essência, a rede em sua essência.

O jurista Lawrence Lessig faz uma comparação interessante entre códigos e legislação.

No ciberespaço o código é a lei, protocolos e softwares definem o espaço de liberdade dos

cidadãos, assim como a lei define seu espaço de atuação especificando seus direitos e deveres.

Legisladores e programadores ditam normas sociais. E da mesma forma que leis obscuras e

opacas ferem a democracia, códigos fechados e proprietários o fazem. Esse é um dos motivos

que leva Lessig a defender o movimento de código aberto. Não é a ausência de governos a

garantia de liberdade dos cidadãos no ciberespaço, mas a transparência de sua arquitetura e

das escolhas por trás dela. (LESSIG, 1999, p.5-8)

Embora a prática de compartilhar e manter aberto e não proprietário o código-fonte

seja hoje alvo de uma imensa batalha jurídica, econômica e política, ela remonta ao início da

atividade de programação. Stallman, prestigiado hacker fundador do projeto GNU2 e da Free

Software Foundation, conta que, quando começou a trabalhar no laboratório de inteligência

artificial do Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), em 1971, o compartilhamento dos

códigos dos softwares era tão comum quanto trocar receitas. Contudo, nos anos 80,

coincidentemente ou não o mesmo período em que o neoliberalismo começou a ganhar força,

inicia-se um movimento de ocultamento do código contido nos softwares (STALLMAN,

2002, p.15-29).

Stallman então se levanta contra o que ele considerava um desvirtuamento grave, com

consequências técnicas (a piora na qualidade dos softwares) e sociais (o alijamento da prática

comunitária) negativas: a privatização exercida pelas empresas, tornando ilegal o que seria

uma necessária e corriqueira mudança nos códigos de um software para atender aos interesses

2 Sistema operacional livre, ao estilo Unix, criado por Richard Stallman.

de quem o utiliza. Para ele, os usuários deveriam ter a liberdade de usar um programa, alterá-

lo sempre que acharem necessário e compartilhar as mudanças. Desta atitude nasce a Free

Software Foundation e o movimento em prol de um outro modelo de desenvolvimento

tecnológico, que acabou por influenciar o agir social em esferas não restritas à técnica.

Conforme explica Silveira (2005, p.36),

O espírito do desenvolvimento colaborativo e baseado em um fluxo livre sobre o conhecimento, permitiu a produção das principais ferramentas e protocolos da Internet, bem como acelerou a estruturação e disseminação da rede levando também ao ciberespaço a prática do compartilhamento do código fonte dos softwares e a liberdade para a sua alteração e para a distribuição das novas linhas de código. O movimento do software livre iniciado por Richard Stallman, em 1984, alastrou-se pelos vários países e tornou-se uma força concreta, tecnológica, cultural e política.

A prática hacker ligada ao software livre é, de acordo com Coleman (2012, p.4), uma

“crítica à tendência neoliberal3 que reinventa ideais liberais pela defesa de uma forte

concepção de liberdade produtiva em face das restrições da propriedade intelectual”.4

O trabalho colaborativo, a transparência de informações e a lógica não proprietária

(assegurada por novas licenças criadas como alternativa ao copyright) formam o cerne deste

novo modelo, assim como o da ética hacker. São também novas configurações de

comportamento social que têm afetado a moral contemporânea.

1.3. Transformações na moral contemporânea

Uma pesquisa do Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (IPEA) divulgada em

maio de 2012 revelou que, dos 34,7 milhões de internautas brasileiros que baixam conteúdo

na internet (filmes, músicas, etc.), 81% são considerados “piratas”, ou seja, não pagam por

esse conteúdo5. Outros estudos estimam que o uso das redes P2P já significa de 50 a 70% do

3 Conforme conceitua David Harvey (2005, p.3-4), o “neoliberalismo é, em primeira instância, uma teoria de práticas políticas econômicas que propõe que o bem-estar humano pode ser alcançado mais plenamente pela emancipação das liberdades e competências empresariais individuais dentro de uma estrutura institucional caracterizada por direitos consistentes à propriedade privada, a mercados livres e ao livre comércio. O papel do Estado é criar e preservar uma estrutura institucional apropriada a tais práticas.”4 Tradução nossa do original: “(...) Free software hacking critiques neoliberal trends and reinvents liberal ideals by asserting a strong conception of productive freedom in the face of intellectual property restrictions.”5 Download de músicas e filmes no Brasil: um perfil dos piratas online. Disponível on-line em: http://agencia.ipea.gov.br/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=14091&catid=9&Itemid=8. Acesso em: 05 jun. 2013.

http://agencia.ipea.gov.br/portal/images/stories/PDFs/comunicado/120510_comunicadoipea0147.pdf

tráfego total da Internet.6

Estes números evidenciam que, apesar da cruzada empreendida pelas indústrias de

intermediação (Telecom, cinematográfica, fonográfica, enfim, todas as que organizaram seus

modelos de negócio a partir do controle do acesso a bens informacionais) para garantir cada

vez mais rigidez aos direitos proprietários7 e impor dificuldades técnicas para frear as práticas

sociais de compartilhamento on-line, estas já estão amplamente disseminadas. Uma prática

tão generalizada assume o caráter de socialmente aceita e pode ser considerada uma ação

moral.

É inegável que, ao ampliar o escopo do “aqui” e “agora”, as redes digitais ampliam

também as capacidades do agir humano e nos guiam a uma nova condição moral. Ao

imaterializar o conhecimento, essas redes alteram por completo a visão sobre o conceito de

propriedade. Se pegar um livro de alguém sem sua permissão é atitude moralmente

reprovável, baixar o mesmo livro já não o é. A própria arquitetura da rede, moldada em grande

parte a partir do pensamento e do agir hacker, assume o papel permissivo.

Deparamo-nos, com cada vez mais frequência, com as noções de transparência,

descentralização e abertura aplicadas aos mais variados âmbitos, do cultural (movimento

cultura livre) ao político (movimento por dados abertos governamentais, acesso à informação,

multigoverno e governo 2.0) e social (redes de compartilhamento).

A ética colaborativa envolvida nos primórdios da programação – e não é à toa que o

primeiro projeto P2P veio deste campo, o GNU-Linux – influenciou não só o aparato técnico

do qual hoje somos dependentes, mas também um novo modelo sociológico (que alguns

autores relacionam ao conceito de dádiva de Marcel Mauss), regido por standards e

protocolos que não se relacionam às normas legais instituídas (e por vezes vão de encontro a

elas).

A possibilidade de conexões diretas entre os indivíduos é a porta de entrada a este

modelo. Hoje encaramos com naturalidade a profusão gigantesca de projetos colaborativos e

falamos de economia P2P. A produção colaborativa ganha destaque com iniciativas como a

Wikipedia, a maior enciclopédia on-line gratuita do mundo, mantida pela contribuição

voluntária de usuários que criam, editam e mantêm seus artigos. Embora a produção tenha

destaque na maioria das análises, floresce também o consumo entre pares.

6 ZHANG, Guoqiang. Agent Selection And P2P Overlay Construction Using Global Locality Knowledge. Networking, Sensing and Control, 2007. IEEE International Conference on. v. 1, 1517 April 2007, pp. 519 a 524.7 Lei Hadopi, na França; Lei Azeredo, no Brasil.

O consumo colaborativo é um significativo representante de que vivemos uma

transição moral em nossa sociedade, especialmente para quem argumenta que as novas

configurações não afetam (ou afetam pouco) a realidade para além dos bites. Isso porque,

diferentemente da maioria das redes de produção P2P, as redes de consumo extrapolam o

ciberespaço e se dão a partir das relações cotidianas, numa espécie de “hackeamento” do

próprio modelo capitalista. Compartilhar o que já está disponível a partir de uma

infraestrutura já compartilhada e difusa foge à lógica da reprodutibilidade e obsolescência

capitalista.

Embora envolva ativos materiais (por exemplo: redes para empréstimo de bicicletas),

o valor imaterial é o que move as redes de consumo colaborativo (conforme veremos na

análise da comunidade de Couchsurfers no Rio de Janeiro). A experiência do

compartilhamento está acima da posse do objeto ou (até mesmo do uso) do serviço em

questão.

A importância econômica e cultural que os bens imateriais adquiriram na sociedade

capitalista a partir do final do século XX, ao ingressarmos em sua fase cognitiva, aponta para

uma intensificação da disputa sobre suas condições de produção e circulação. Dadas as

significativas mudanças nas formas de sociabilidade engendradas pelas novas tecnologias

informacionais e seus valores intrínsecos, aspectos da moral que rege as relações humanas

não permanecem intactos.

Abertura, descentralização e transparência, adjetivos normalmente ligados à palavra

“código” dentro do ideário hacker, tornam-se valores que mobilizam em campos não restritos

à técnica. É o que acontece na comunidade brasileira Transparência Hacker (que será

apresentada em capítulo próprio). Na pauta, fala-se em “hackear as instituições”.

Hackear aqui é diferir o real, abstrair alternativas, latências do virtual, para lançá-las

no atual, conforme argumenta Wark (2004, parágrafo 83). O hackeamento demonstra que

“sempre há um excesso de possibilidades expresso no que é atual, o excedente do virtual”.

Dessa forma, hackear significa explorar o domínio exaurível daquilo que não é, mas pode vir

a ser. De acordo com essa acepção, o hackeamento é realizado não apenas na informática e

telemática, mas também nas mais variadas práticas sociais, da filosofia à arte, da política à

biologia (WARK, 2004).

Se as novas tecnologias informacionais estão nos guiando a uma nova condição moral

e se estas novas tecnologias guardam, em grande parte, valores e concepções de mundo de

seus criadores, estudar a ética e o ambiente cultural produzido pelos hackers nos permite

refletir sobre as condições e os fundamentos dessas transformações.

1.4. Apontamentos teóricos e metodológicos

Apesar de sua notória importância, a cultura hacker ainda é pouco examinada em

círculos acadêmicos fora dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) e da Europa. No Brasil, são

poucos os estudos sobre o tema. Quais são os grupos existentes, como atuam, suas principais

bandeiras, práticas políticas, atividades e encontros, disputas que se travam pelo termo hacker

e tantas outras importantes questões permanecem, em grande parte, em aberto no campo de

pesquisa brasileiro.

O objetivo geral desta dissertação é ampliar a reflexão sobre o tema e contribuir para

problematizar o papel dos hackers e de sua ética no surgimento de novas configurações

morais da sociedade contemporânea, com ênfase nos valores presentes na cultura colaborativa

emergente, que não se restringe aos limites binários do ciberespaço nem ao âmbito da técnica.

Entre os objetivos específicos deste trabalho estão: 1) explorar a construção midiática

sobre o termo hacker no Brasil, a partir da análise de dados recolhidos dos últimos 10 anos do

jornal de maior circulação no país, a Folha de S. Paulo, e questionar de que forma ela se

contrapõe a um anseio por mais liberdade na rede; 2) analisar, a partir da pesquisa

netnográfica, da observação participante sobre a comunidade Transparência Hacker e de

entrevistas qualitativas com alguns de seus principais membros, como a ética hacker se

manifesta no grupo e extrapola o âmbito técnico para influenciar novos campos sociais e

políticos; 3) utilizando também a netnografia como metodologia, verificar de que forma a

ética hacker está presente em um projeto de consumo colaborativo, o Couchsurfing, tendo

como estudo de caso a comunidade do Couchsurfing no Rio de Janeiro.

Para isso, o primeiro capítulo dedica-se a entender quem são os hackers, utilizando

como base os principais estudos produzidos sobre o tema até hoje, especialmente nos EUA,

com destaque para as obras de Steven Levy, Gabriella Coleman, Eric S. Raymond e Pekka

Himanen. Os primeiros passos da computação, os valores que sustentam este (heterogêneo)

grupo, a origem do software livre e seu significado enquanto modelo de um novo sistema de

produção do conhecimento são objetos de análise, assim como o hacktivismo.

O segundo capítulo explora o contexto brasileiro. Primeiro, para entender de que

forma a construção do entendimento do termo hacker aparece no principal jornal do país em

audiência, as alterações sofridas ao longo dos anos (em parte influenciadas pela disputa de

grupos como, por exemplo, o Transparência Hacker) e a relação entre a ainda predominante

conotação negativa dada ao termo e as iniciativas que buscam restringir a liberdade na rede. O

período de análise é a última década, na virada do século, do início de 2001 até o final de

2012, momento em que as novas tecnologias começam a avançar e se popularizar em ritmo

crescente no Brasil. O próprio termo (excetuando-se o uso da palavra em nomes próprios)

apareceu raríssimas vezes em uma rápida avaliação do acervo do jornal da década de 90.

Ainda neste capítulo, na tentativa de entender como a ética hacker se expressa entre

grupos brasileiros, utilizo como estudo de caso a comunidade Transparência Hacker, uma das

maiores e mais conhecidas do país, cujo foco em ‘hacks políticos’ permite entender a

influência da ética hacker para além de um campo puramente técnico.

Também faço uma pequena apresentação desta nova metodologia para estudar o

ciberespaço e seus atores, a pesquisa netnográfica.

Em seguida, no terceiro capítulo, abordo as mudanças no conceito de valor dentro do

capitalismo em sua fase pós-industrial, as conexões existentes entre a cultura P2P e a

economia da dádiva e como o poder protocolar afeta o universo das redes descentralizadas.

Também avalio uma experiência de consumo colaborativo, o Couchsurfing, para buscar

elementos sobre o funcionamento de uma estrutura P2P e as motivações relativas à

participação dos usuários, com o objetivo de atestar a influência de valores intrínsecos à

lógica colaborativa dos hackers.

Por todo o exposto, observar e entender a cultura hacker (ou as culturas hackers) e

como ela impacta nossos desejos e nossos posicionamentos morais torna-se de extrema

relevância para as ciências sociais. A ética de comunidades hackers, especialmente as de

software livre, ajuda a moldar os protocolos que regem a Internet e a linguagem básica dos

sistemas tecnológicos, o código, gerando impactos sociais, culturais e políticos. A disputa pela

forma como essa linguagem é produzida e distribuída – privada ou pública, fechada ou aberta,

hierarquicamente construída ou compartilhada, obscura ou transparente – é uma das principais

frentes de batalha por direitos de liberdade e pela democracia.

2 A ÉTICA HACKER E A REVOLUÇÃO DIGITAL

Não tem sentido o homem querer desviar-

se das máquinas já que, afinal de contas,

elas não são nada mais do que formas

hiperdesenvolvidas e hiperconcentradas de

certos aspectos de sua própria

subjetividade

(Félix Guattari)

2.1 Os primeiros hackers e o início da computação

Nos últimos anos, hacker se tornou palavra comum nos meios de comunicação e até

mesmo nas conversas do dia a dia. Uma notícia recente da BBC Brasil, publicada em 21 de

março de 2013, dá o tom de como o termo costuma ser empregado. O título diz "Hackers

invadem 120 mil PCs e dão golpe de US$6 mi", seguido do lide: "Eles invadem computadores

pessoais de 120 mil indivíduos e montam uma 'botnet' - rede de computadores interligados

que realizam de forma coordenada uma tarefa. Neste golpe, os ladrões conseguiram fazer os

computadores gerarem 9 bilhões de clicks em anúncios que pagam usuários por cada acesso."8

A recorrente representação negativa feita pela mídia consolida um estereótipo que

abarca muito pouco - ou quase nada - de um interessantíssimo grupo que está no cerne da

revolução informática e da Internet como conhecemos hoje. Por outro lado, pesquisadores

como Steven Levy (2001), Gabriella Coleman (2012), Eric S. Raymond (2001), Pekka

Himanen (2001), Glyn Moody (2002), Sam William (2002), entre outros, mostram, com base

em suas investigações, o rico universo hacker. Partindo de suas obras, a intenção neste

capítulo é criar uma trilha interpretativa relacionando a história dos hackers, o nascimento do

software livre, da internet e da prática hacktivista, o que servirá de base para a análise de caso

de uma comunidade hacker brasileira e para avaliar algumas questões morais abarcadas por

este universo.

Hackers podem ser definidos, de uma forma geral, como aficionados por

computadores guiados por uma curiosa paixão por conhecer e modificar aspectos de sistemas

8 Disponível em: <h ttp://www.bbc.co.uk/portuguese/videos_e_fotos/2013/03/130321_click_golpe_dg.shtml >. Acesso em 3 de ago. 2013.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/portuguese/videos_e_fotos/2013/03/130321_click_golpe_dg.shtml

http://www.bbc.co.uk/portuguese/videos_e_fotos/2013/03/130321_click_golpe_dg.shtml

técnicos, e frequentemente comprometidos eticamente com a liberdade de informação

(COLEMAN, 2012, p.3).

O termo, entretanto, foi colocado em disputa conforme as redes informacionais

ganharam importância econômica e social (SILVEIRA, 2010) e assumiu outras conceituações,

inclusive a utilizada pela matéria da BBC (e por tantas outras, como veremos adiante),

associando-o ao indivíduo que utiliza suas habilidades técnicas para quebrar sistemas de

segurança de forma ilegal e obter proveitos próprios. Essa acabou, nos anos 80, se tornando a

face pública do hacker, difundida e distorcida pela grande mídia. Para contorná-la, alguns

hackers preocupados com a conotação criminosa que o termo vinha tomando começaram a

chamar aqueles que invadem sistemas ilegalmente de "crackers"9 (NISSENBAUM, 2004).

A versão 4.4.9 do Jargon File10, uma espécie de dicionário hacker, traz oito

conceituações diferentes para o termo:

1. Pessoa que aprecia explorar os detalhes de sistemas programáveis e como ampliar suas capacidades, em oposição aos usuários padrões, que preferem aprender apenas o mínimo necessário. O Glossário de Usuários da Internet proveitosamente amplia para: Pessoa que sente prazer em ter uma compreensão íntima do funcionamento interno de um sistema, computadores e redes de computadores, em particular.

2. Quem programa entusiasticamente (ou mesmo obsessivamente) ou que gosta de programar e não apenas teorizar sobre programação.

3. Pessoa capaz de apreciar o valor de um hack.

4. Pessoa que é boa em programar rapidamente.

5. Um especialista em um programa específico, ou alguém que trabalha frequentemente nele; como em um "hacker Unix".

6. Um especialista ou entusiasta de qualquer tipo. Pode ser um hacker astrônomo, por exemplo.

7. Aquele que gosta do desafio intelectual de criativamente superar ou contornar limitações.

8. [Obsoleto] Um intrometido malicioso que tenta descobrir informações confidenciais bisbilhotando. Daí hacker de senha, hacker de rede. O termo correto para este sentido é "cracker ".11

9 No dicionário de língua portuguesa Houaiss (2010) encontramos apenas definição para o termo hacker, sem a distinção do cracker: "entusiasta de computador; aquele que é perito em programar e resolver problemas com o computador; pessoa que acessa sistemas computacionais ilegalmente."10 O Jargon File ("Arquivo de jargões", em português) é um glossário de gírias de programação de computador iniciado em 1975. O original surgiu da catalogação de termos utilizados por grupos hackers de universidades americanas como MIT e Stanford e passou a ser atualizado e ganhar novas versões. A versão mais nova, conhecida também como "The new hacker's dictionary", foi editada por Eric Steven Raymond, programador e autor do livro "A catedral e o bazar".11Tradução da autora: "1. A person who enjoys exploring the details of programmable systems and how to stretch their capabilities, as opposed to most users, who prefer to learn only the minimum necessary. RFC1392,

O uso do termo "cracker", portanto, foi uma tentativa de recuperar um suposto sentido

originário e não malicioso para hacker, com o que muitos dos próprios hackers não

concordam (COLEMAN, 2012). Alguns lembram que na origem da cultura hacker também

estão os "phreakers". O termo (que deriva da união das palavras em inglês "phone" e "freak"),

surgido nos anos 60, se refere aos peritos que utilizam seu conhecimento para explorar as

possibilidades abertas pelas redes de telefones e "libertar" a tecnologia do controle do Estado

e da indústria. O "phreak" era o "hack" do sistema telefônico americano e o objetivo era

realizar chamadas grátis (STERLING, 1992; ROSENBAUM, 1971; THOMAS, 2003). Neste

suposto sentido originário, portanto, ocorre uma "esterilização" que envolve o apagamento

das relações entre esta subcultura e a de seus "primos undergrounds" e o destaque apenas às

suas raízes acadêmicas.

De fato, o termo hacker no contexto das redes informacionais aparece primeiro como

uma gíria derivada do verbo em inglês to hack, utilizada por estudantes do Massachusetts

Institute of Technology (MIT), universidade americana considerada o berço dessa subcultura.

Steven Levy (2001) recupera a origem da gíria "hack" ao contar sobre o Clube de

Ferromodelismo do MIT (Tech Model Railroad Club, TMRC):

Essa última palavra talvez tenha surgido do antigo dialeto do MIT - o termo "hack" era usado há bastante tempo para descrever as elaboradas travessuras que os estudantes sempre inventavam, como cobrir uma cúpula do campus com folhas de alumínio reflexivo. No entanto, como o pessoal do TMRC empregava a palavra, havia uma dose extra de seriedade e respeito. Uma mera conexão inteligente entre dois relés poderia ser chamada de "hack", mas estava subentendido que, para ser qualificada assim, tinha que estar imbuída de inovação, estilo e virtuosismo técnico. (...) Os estudantes mais produtivos do grupo de sinais e energia do TMRC autodenominavam-se "hackers" com muito orgulho. (2001: 10)12

the Internet Users' Glossary, usefully amplifies this as: A person who delights in having an intimate understanding of the internal workings of a system, computers and computer networks in particular.

2. One who programs enthusiastically (even obsessively) or who enjoys programming rather than just theorizing about programming.

3. A person capable of appreciating hack value.

4. A person who is good at programming quickly.

5. An expert at a particular program, or one who frequently does work using it or on it; as in ‘a Unix hacker’. (Definitions 1 through 5 are correlated, and people who fit them congregate.)

6. An expert or enthusiast of any kind. One might be an astronomy hacker, for example.

7. One who enjoys the intellectual challenge of creatively overcoming or circumventing limitations.

8. [deprecated] A malicious meddler who tries to discover sensitive information by poking around. Hence password hacker, network hacker. The correct term for this sense is cracker."

12 Tradução da autora: "This latter term may have been suggested by ancient MIT lingo - the word 'hack' had

http://www.catb.org/jargon/html/H/hack-value.html

A partir de suas pesquisas com estes grupos de jovens programadores do MIT dos final

dos anos 50 e início dos 60, Levy (2001, pp.27-33) trouxe à luz um conjunto de valores até

então não declarados que conceituou como "ética hacker", agregando imperativos tais como:

comprometimento com a liberdade de informação ("todas as informações deveriam ser

livres"), descentralização ("hackers desconfiam das autoridades"), meritocracia ("hackers

devem ser julgados por seus 'hackeamentos'13 e não por outros critérios") e uma forte crença

que os computadores podem ser a base para um mundo melhor ("Os computadores podem

mudar sua vida para melhor").

Importante observar que, quando apontamos valores comuns aos hackers, não

desconsideramos, contudo, a enorme diversidade de comunidades abarcados pelo termo.

Coleman prefere falar em 'gêneros de hacking', de modo a destacar as diferentes práticas

existentes, como por exemplo a dos hackers voltados ao desenvolvimento de softwares livres,

que tendem a defender estruturas políticas de transparência, e a cultura hacker underground,

mais opaca em sua organização social. Como ressalta Coleman (2009):

Da produção global de software livre e de código aberto às brincadeiras transgressoras do hacking underground, hackers revelam seus compromissos éticos por meio de um conjunto de práticas e expressões. Embora essas expressões não sejam redutíveis a preocupações liberais, estão certamente em conversa íntima com elas. Algumas de suas visões morais e implementações técnicas geram politicamente uma crítica ao privilegiar certos princípios liberais, por exemplo, como é o caso do software livre, que valoriza a expressão sobre o direito de propriedade intelectual. (2009: 258)14

Diferenças à parte, na base do pensamento hacker está a concepção de que as

informações e o conhecimento não podem estar submetidos à apropriação privada. A prática

de compartilhamento de informações remonta aos primórdios da rotina de programação,

long been used to describe the elaborate college pranks that MIT students would regularly devise, such as covering the dome that overlooked the campus with reflecting foil. But as the TMRC people used the word, there was serious respect implied. While someone might call a clever connection betweem relays a 'mere hack', it would be understood that, to qualify as a hack, the feat must be imbued with innovation, style ant technical virtuosity. (...) The most productive people working on S&P called themselves 'hackers' with great pride."

13 Hackeamento, segundo Stallman (2002) e Raymond (2003), significa basicamente a exploração dos limites daquilo que é previamente considerado possível ou admissível. 14 From the global production of free and open source software to the transgressive pranks of underground hacking, hackers reveal their ethical commitments through an array of practices and idioms. While these idioms are not reducible to liberal concerns, they are certainly in close conversation with them. Some of their moral visions and technical implementations politically proffer critique by privileging certain liberal principles, for example as is the case of free software, which values speech over intellectual property law. Others speak to the limits of liberal legal regimes, for example, when hackers break the law.

quando computadores bem menos sofisticados do que os que estamos acostumados a ver eram

utilizados pelos jovens programadores. A enorme dificuldade técnica para lidar com esses

tipos de máquinas demandava habilidade e uma prática "artesanal" de escrita de códigos de

programação.

Portanto, dividir as conquistas obtidas com códigos era o único modo de avançar mais

rapidamente e com menos risco de erros. Como explica Levy (2011:28):

Toda informação deve ser aberta e gratuita. Se você não tem acesso às informações de que precisa para melhorar as coisas, como poderia consertá-las? O livre intercâmbio de informações, particularmente quando se trata de programas de computadores, garante e amplia a criatividade de todos. Quando se está trabalhando em uma máquina como o TX-0, que quase não tinha software, todo mundo precisava escrever furiosamente programas para tornar mais fácil a programação. Ferramentas para fazer ferramentas, que ficavam na gaveta do console para estarem acessíveis a todos que usassem a máquina. Isso evitava a temida perda de tempo para reinventar a roda, em vez de cada um escrever sua própria versão do mesmo programa, a melhor versão ficava disponível para todos e todos eram livres para mergulhar nas linhas do código e melhorá-lo. Um mundo repleto de programas completos, com o mínimo de chateação, e aprimorados ao máximo.15

Sendo assim, o código-fonte aberto era a tradição desde o início da prática de

programação graças, neste momento, à visão pragmática (que depois, conforme veremos

adiante, assumiu um tom mais político) dos primeiros desenvolvedores sobre a restrição de

acesso artificial imposta pelo modelo de propriedade intelectual, considerado inadequado à

produção de softwares de qualidade superior. Nas palavras de Glyn Moody (2002:4)

Hackers se rebelam contra a ideia de que o código fonte subjacente deve ser retido. Para eles, esses textos especiais são um novo tipo de literatura que faz parte do patrimônio comum da humanidade: a ser publicado, lido, estudado e ampliado, não acorrentado a mesas em inacessíveis bibliotecas monásticas para alguns poucos adeptos autorizados a lidar reverentemente.16

15 Tradução da autora: "All information should be free. If you don't have access to the information you need to improve things, how can you fix them? A free exchange of information, particularly when the information was in the form of a computer program, allowed for greater overall creativity. When you were working on a machine like TX-0, which came with almost no software, everyone would furiously write systems programs to make programming easier - tools to make tools, kept in the drawer by the console for easy access by anyone using the machine. This prevented the dreaded, time-wasting ritual of reinventing the wheel: instead of everybody writing his own version of the same program, the best version would be available to everyone, and everyone would be free to delve into the code and improve on that. A world studded with feature-full programs, bummed to the minimum, debugged to perfection."16 Tradução da autora: "Hackers rebel against the idea that the underlying source code should be withheld. For them, these special texts are a new kind of literature that forms part of the common heritage of humanity: to be published, read, studied and even added to, not chained to desks in inaccessible monastic libraries for a few

Cabe ressaltar um acontecimento que marca historicamente aquele momento e

consolida essa cultura de colaboração entre programadores de software: a criação do Project

for Advancement of Coding Techniques (PACT), em 1952, período em que usuário e

programador ainda eram a mesma pessoa. O primeiro computador eletrônico comercial, o

701, lançado pela IBM, era caro (a manutenção mensal chegava a 15 mil dólares) e difícil de

manter. Então o PACT foi criado para facilitar a cooperação entre quem detinha essa máquina

(KIM, 2005). Ideias e ferramentas construídas para o 701 foram compartilhadas, num esforço

para desenvolver um sistema operacional automático para ele.

Para os poucos programadores desta época, ter acesso a máquinas como o 701 (e antes

mesmo de qualquer comercialização, muitas delas doadas de laboratórios militares aos centros

de pesquisa universitários) era um momento de realização e deleite. Levy captura o

sentimento em seu relato:

Os hackers do TMRC, que logo se autodenominavam hackers do TX-0, mudaram de estilo de vida para acomodar o trabalho no computador. Eles reservavam todos os períodos que conseguiam e "ganhavam tempo" com visitas noturnas ao laboratório na esperança de que alguém que havia feito reserva para as 3 horas da manhã não aparecesse. (2011:16)

A dificuldade de acesso para os jovens estudantes, que precisavam agendar com

antecedência a visita às salas que guardavam as então gigantescas máquinas de programar

contrastava com o que entendiam como ideal para levar a cabo seus projetos: acesso ilimitado,

livre das burocracias que nada tinham a ver com a paixão pela computação.

Neste universo, a satisfação está no reconhecimento de seus pares ao superarem

desafios complexos, o que logo é compartilhado e contribui para a reputação do hacker em

meio ao grupo. O julgamento deve ser feito com base na qualidade dos hackeamentos e não

por critérios como escolaridade ou posição, o status na comunidade, portanto, é adquirido a

partir do compartilhamento da criação. Neste primeiro momento (dos primeiros computadores

e da fase inicial do desenvolvimento de softwares), em especial, a atividade hacker é guiada

por valores sociais e pela abertura e o hackeamento baseia-se no ímpeto individual de criar, no

do-it-yourself e no remix (construção imediata a partir dos elementos disponíveis).

Sobre isso, Coleman (2012: 98) afirma que

authorized adepts to handle reverently."

Como parte dessa capacidade prática, a própria natureza do hackeamento - transformar um sistema contra ele próprio - está no processo de usar o código existente, comentários e tecnologia para além do que pretendiam seus autores originais. Uma vez que muitos objetos técnicos estão restritos por certos limites embora ao mesmo tempo exibam excessos potenciais, durante o curso de sua existência, eles podem ser explorados e redirecionados para assumir novos rumos de funcionalidade por atos de hackeamento. Hackers estão, portanto, sintonizados não apenas com o funcionamento da tecnologia, mas também buscam uma compreensão tão íntima das capacidades e limitações da tecnologia que são capazes de redirecioná-la para algum plano novo e amplamente imprevisível. 17

O aprimoramento do código está acima da motivação comercial, como constatou em

seu estudo o pesquisador finlandês Pekka Himanen. No clássico "A Ética dos Hackers e o

Espírito da Era da Informação", ele observa:

"O primeiro valor a guiar a vida de um hacker é a paixão, ou seja, algum objetivo interessante que move os hackers e que é fato gerador de alegria na sua realização. (...) Os hackers não organizam sua vida em termos de dias úteis rotineiros e continuamente otimizados, mas sim em termos de um fluxo dinâmico entre trabalho criativo e outros prazeres da vida, nos quais há também lugar para o ritmo. A ética de trabalho dos hackers consiste em combinar paixão com liberdade, e foi essa a parte da ética dos hackers cuja influência foi sentida com maior intensidade." (2001: 125)

Para explicar o trabalho dos hackers, Himanen traça um paralelo entre a cultura

cultivada nas próprias universidades, onde o cientista tem um modelo aberto para suas

pesquisas e publica os resultados para seus pares criticarem e melhorarem. Segundo ele

(2001), o modelo acadêmico se contrapunha ao "modelo do monastério", autoritário e no qual

a informação deveria ser mantida fechada, ao alcance de alguns poucos privilegiados.

No final de sua obra, Himanen aponta sete valores intrínsecos à ética hacker, que são a

base do próprio espírito da sociedade da informação: paixão, liberdade, valor social, abertura,

atividade, participação responsável e criatividade.

A paixão está ligada ao que Linus Torvalds (criador do Linux) chamou de

entretenimento, o entusiasmo e o prazer em realizar o trabalho e exibir sua engenhosidade.

17 Tradução da autora: As part of this practical capacity, the very nature of hacking - turning a system against itself - is the process of using existing code, comments, and technology for more than what their original authors intended. Since many technical objects are simultaneously bound by certain limits yet exhibit potential excesses (Star and Griesemer 1998), during the course of their existence, they can be exploited and redirected toward new paths of functionality by acts of hacking. Hackers are thus attuned not simply to the workings of technology but also seek such an intimate understanding of technology's capabilities and constraints that they are positioned to redirect it to some new, largely unforeseen plane.

Liberdade aqui diz respeito não só à informação (livre no sentido de gratuito e de acessível),

mas também ao estilo de vida: flexibilidade para programar na hora que for conveniente.

Valor social se refere ao trabalho pela e para a comunidade, o que guia também a

característica de abertura, para que o trabalho seja cobrado, copiado, aperfeiçoado por esta

comunidade. Atividade implica uma completa liberdade de expressão na ação, rejeitando uma

postura passiva em favor de um exercício ativo das próprias paixões. Participação responsável

diz respeito à consideração pelo outro, para que todos participem na rede e se beneficiem dela.

A criatividade, apontada pelo autor como a superação individual e a capacidade de aportar

resultados novos.

Portanto, a filosofia comum de compartilhamento, "mão na massa" para aperfeiçoar os

programas de computador existentes e comprometimento com a liberdade de informação por

trás dos projetos de software acabaram por moldar a visão política dos hackers.

2.2. O desenvolvimento do software livre

No início do desenvolvimento da computação, a cultura da colaboração de software

foi, em grande parte (e para muitos autores, como BONACCORSI e ROSSI, 2003;

RAYMOND, 2003; DIBONA et al., 1999) resultado do ambiente acadêmico-científico no

qual floresceu.

Um bom exemplo disso é o sistema operacional Unix, cuja história começou em 1965

e, apesar de ter sido desenvolvido por laboratórios privados (Bell Labs e General Eletric) em

parceria com o MIT a partir das pesquisas para o Multics18, foi apresentado em um artigo

dentro de um evento ocorrido na Universidade de Nova York, o Symposium on Operating

Systems Principles. Isso demonstra a valorização do caráter público da produção de

18 Multics (Multiplexed Information and Computing Service) seria um sistema de compartilhamento de tempo para uma comunidade de usuários. Sobre a história do Unix, Marcelo Alencar (2008, p.1) conta: "Em 1969, a Bell retirou-se do projeto, alegando que três instituições com objetivos distintos dificilmente alcançariam uma solução satisfatória para cada uma delas, e os participantes sofriam de síndrome do segundo projeto e, por isso, queriam incluir no Multics tudo que tinha sido excluído dos sistemas experimentais até então desenvolvidos. Ken Thompson, no mesmo ano, usou um computador DEC PDP-7 para reescrever o Multics em um contexto menos ambicioso, com ideias e apoio de Rudd Canaday, Doug McIlroy, Joe Ossanna e Dennis Ritchie. Usou linguagem de máquina e chamou o sistema de Unics. O sistema de propósito geral e compartilhamento de tempo era confortável o suficiente para atrair o interesse dos usuários e credibilidade para a aquisição de uma máquina maior, um PDP-11/20. Ritchie também escreveu um compilador para a linguagem de programação C. Brian Kernighan batizou o sistema de UNIX." Disponível em: http://www.difusaocientifica.com.br/artigos/Historia_Linux.pdf Acesso em: 28/10/2012.

http://www.difusaocientifica.com.br/artigos/Historia_Linux.pdf

conhecimento de software na época, mesmo envolvendo empresas privadas19.

O Unix passou a ser rodado nas máquinas de grande parte das instituições de pesquisa

e os seus próprios usuários formaram uma comunidade de trocas de informações e melhorias

para o sistema. Contudo, este ambiente de liberdade e compartilhamento tinha os dias

contados.

A guinada para um regime privado decorreu da popularização do computador pessoal,

a partir dos anos 70, e a consequente emergência de um mercado de software. Em meados de

50, os programas que iriam ser executados nos computadores eram fortemente acoplados à

arquitetura das máquinas (e não se diferenciava a venda de hardware e software, sendo o

primeiro o foco da comercialização). Basta pensar nos cartões perfurados que fica mais fácil

entender o porquê (ver a figura 1). Porém, com a evolução da tecnologia, os softwares

passaram a poder ser distribuídos e usados em diversas máquinas.

Figura 1: Cartão perfurado da IBM. Fonte: Wikimedia Commons

19 Conforme explica Salus (1995), a não exploração comercial de software também foi impulsionada por uma decisão judicial chamada de Consent Decree, que obrigava a AT&T, subsidiária do Bell Labs, a licenciar as patentes de software a um custo mínimo e sem restrições significativas, por serem estes considerados externos às áreas de telegrama e de telefonia, foco das operações da AT&T.

Em função disso, algumas empresas e desenvolvedores passaram a questionar a

distribuição gratuita de seus programas. O episódio mais clássico e ilustrativo é o da carta do

então jovem Bill Gates, fundador da Microsoft, aos hobistas, amadores e entusiastas de

computadores que se reuniam na Universidade de Stanford para compartilhar diferentes

versões de softwares, no lendário Homebrew Computer Club (ver figura 2 a seguir).

Na carta, Bill Gates questiona a "pirataria" de seus programas, alegando ser injusto o

compartilhamento gratuito do seu trabalho, expondo argumentos que até hoje são utilizados

na defesa da propriedade intelectual, relativos ao incentivo para a produção:

Como a maioria dos amadores deve saber, a maior parte de vocês rouba os seus softwares. O hardware precisa ser comprado, mas [para vocês] o software deveria ser compartilhado. Quem se importa se as pessoas que trabalharam nele serão pagas? Isso é justo? [...] O que vocês fazem é impedir que software de qualidade seja escrito. Quem pode bancar fazer trabalho profissional por nada? Que amador pode despender três anos-trabalho em programação, encontrar todos os bugs, documentar o trabalho e distribuí-lo de graça? O fato é que ninguém, com a exceção de nós, investiu tanto dinheiro no software para amadores. Nós escrevemos o Basic 6800 e estamos escrevendo o APL 8080 e o APL 6800, mas há muito pouco incentivo para tornar esse software disponível para os amadores. Falando francamente, o que vocês estão fazendo é roubo (Gates, 1976, p. 2)

Figura 2: Open Letter to Hobbyists, publicada na Homebrew Computer Club Newsletter Volume 2,

Issue 1

O reflexo da abertura desse novo paradigma foi amplo e atingiu o desenvolvimento do

Unix. Nas palavras de Carlotto e Ortellado (2011, p. 81):

Essas mudanças de natureza política e econômica fizeram com que, a partir de 1983, a AT&T internalizasse o desenvolvimento do Unix, criando o Unix System Labs e alterando radicalmente a forma de distribuição e licenciamento do software. Por conta disso, em 1988, a licença do Unix já custava aproximadamente U$ 100 mil chegando, alguns anos depois, a U$250 mil (Weber, 2004, p. 39). A mudança da política de licenciamento do Unix resultou no paulatino arrefecimento da colaboração entre os Bell Labs e a Universidade de Berkeley, que culminou no processo judicial movido pela AT&T contra a universidade californiana em 1992.

A resistência à passagem do regime público ao privado veio de um jovem estudante

que vivenciou os áureos tempos das comunidades hackers do MIT: Richard Stallman. Em

1971, ele saiu de Harvard para integrar a equipe do Laboratório de Inteligência Artificial do

MIT. Lá conheceu os valores que guiavam o desenvolvimento de software. Segundo ele relata

no livro de DiBona, Ockman e Stone (1999, p. 31),

Quando comecei a trabalhar do Laboratório de Inteligência Artificial do MIT, em 1971, integrei uma comunidade de compartilhamento de software que já existia há muitos anos. O compartilhamento de software não era particularmente restrito à nossa comunidade [no MIT]; ele nasceu com os computadores, assim como o compartilhamento de receitas nasceu com o ato de cozinhar.

As mudanças que ele percebia na cultura dos programadores eram, em sua visão, um

desvirtuamento do caráter do próprio software, cujo código fechado impediria seu

aperfeiçoamento colaborativo. Levy (2010) resume o sentimento daqueles que carregavam o

espírito hacker frente ao novo cenário:

A ética hacker, é claro, considera que cada programa deveria ser tão bom quanto você poderia fazê-lo (ou melhor), infinitamente flexível, admirado por seu brilhantismo de conceito e execução, e projetado para ampliar os poderes do usuário. Vender programas de computadores como pasta de dente era uma heresia. Mas estava acontecendo. (LEVY, 2010, p.366)20

20 Tradução da autora: “The hacker ethic, of course, held that every program should be as good as you could make it (or better), infinitely flexible, admired for its brilliance of concept and execution, and designed to extend the user's powers. Selling computer programs like toothpaste was heresy. But it was happening.”

Sendo assim, concluem DiBona, Ockman e Stone (1999):

Stallman lançou o projeto GNU porque essencialmente acredita que o conhecimento que constitui um programa em execução - o que a indústria da computação chama de código-fonte - deveria ser livre. Se não fosse, na visão de Stallman, um grupo muito pequeno e poderoso de pessoas poderia dominar computação. Onde fornecedores de software comercial proprietário viram uma indústria guardando segredos comerciais que devem ser bem protegidos, Stallman viu o conhecimento científico que deve ser compartilhado e distribuído. O princípio básico do projeto GNU e da Free Software Foundation (a organização guarda-chuva do projeto GNU) é que o código fonte é fundamental ao avanço da ciência da computação e o código-fonte livremente disponível é realmente necessário para a inovação continuar.21

Em 27 de setembro de 1983, Stallman (1999) escreveu uma mensagem para a

comunidade hacker dos grupos net.unix-wizards e net.usoft com o assunto "new Unix

implementation", na qual ele informava estar começando a desenvolver um sistema

compatível com o Unix chamado GNU (um acrônimo recursivo cujo significado é "GNU não

é Unix"). Sua ideia era resgatar os valores hackers originais de liberdade compartilhamento,

freando a criminalização de uma prática que nasceu com o próprio ato de programar.

Na compreensão de Stallman (e de muitos hackers como ele), um software

proprietário está encerrado em si mesmo e tem como destino a obsolescência, e não o

aprimoramento. O objeto técnico mais evoluído não é o mais fechado em si mesmo, como a

postura comercial costuma vender, nem depende necessariamente de incentivos financeiros ou

pressões hierárquicas. Para Benkler,

Softwares livres não estão necessariamente atrelados ao mercado ou à hierarquias empresariais para organizar sua produção. Programadores não necessariamente participam de um projeto porque alguém é seu chefe e assim o instruiu – ainda que alguns o façam. Eles geralmente não participam de um projeto porque alguém os ofereceu um pagamento, apesar de que alguns participantes almejem, a longo prazo, uma apropriação com fins lucrativos, como consultoria ou prestação de serviço. Mas a massa crítica da

21 Tradução da autora: "Stallman launched the GNU project because essentially he feels that the knowledge that constitutes a running program — what the computer industry calls the source code — should be free. If it were not, Stallman reasons, a very few, very powerful people would dominate computing. Where proprietary commercial software vendors saw an industry guarding trade secrets that must be tightly protected, Stallman saw scientific knowledge that must be shared and distributed. The basic tenet of the GNU project and the Free Software Foundation (the umbrella organization for the GNU project) is that source code is fundamental to the furthering of computer science and freely available source code is truly necessary for innovation to continue." (DiBona, Ockman, Stone, 1999: 8)

participação em projetos não pode ser explicada pela presença direta de um comando, um preço ou mesmo um retorno monetário (...). (BENKLER, 2002:372)22

Em 1985, depois de já ter deixado o Laboratório do MIT para se dedicar

exclusivamente ao seu novo projeto e não ter qualquer impedimento em sua distribuição,

Stallman lança um manifesto explicando os princípios que o norteavam:

Eu considero uma regra sagrada a exigência de que eu compartilhe os programas de que gosto com outras pessoas que também gostem deles. Vendedores de software querem dividir os usuários para conquistá-los, fazendo com que cada usuário não compartilhe com os outros. Eu me recuso a romper a solidariedade com os outros usuários desta maneira. Eu não posso, em sã consciência, assinar um contrato com cláusula de sigilo ou uma licença de software. [...] Assim, para continuar a utilizar computadores sem desonra, eu decidi elaborar um conjunto de softwares livres, de forma que eu consiga utilizá-los sem qualquer recurso a software não livre. (Stallman, 2002, s/p).

Enquanto o GNU saía do forno, seu idealizador foi consolidando publicamente o

conceito de Software Livre a partir da organização que fundou, a Free Software Foundation

(FSF) em 1985. De acordo com sua definição, um software só é livre se:

1. Você tem a liberdade de executar o programa, para qualquer propósito.

2. Você tem a liberdade de modificar o programa para adaptá-lo às suas necessidades [o que só é possível se o usuário tiver acesso ao código-fonte].

3. Você tem a liberdade de redistribuir cópias gratuitamente ou mediante pagamento [Stallman esclarece que software livre não significa necessariamente software gratuito. Na conhecida frase, "you should think of "free" as in "free speech," not as in "free beer"].

4. Você tem a liberdade de distribuir versões modificadas do programa para que a comunidade possa se beneficiar das suas melhorias. (comentários da autora)23

Para impedir que aos softwares livres se impusessem restrições de qualquer ordem,

Stallman criou um sistema de licenciamento que subvertia a própria ideia de licenciamento e

22 Tradução da autora: “Free software projects do not rely either on markets or on managerial hierarchies to organize production. Programmers do not generall participate in a project because someone who is their boss instructed them, though some do. They do not generally participate in a project because someone offers them a price, though some participants do focus on long-term appropriation through moneyoriented activities, like consulting or service contracts. But the critical mass of participation in projects cannot be explained by the direct presence of a command, a price, or even a future monetary return (...)”. (Benkler, 2002:372)23 The Free Software Definition, em www.gnu.org/philosophy/free-sw.html

sua proibição à cópia. A General Public License (GPL) foi desenvolvida para estabelecer as

condições de uso dos softwares livres e impedir que obras derivadas fossem fechadas,

quebrando a espiral de aprimoramento coletivo. Ou seja, estava autorizado o livre uso,

modificação e cópia desde que esta mantivesse as mesmas liberdades.

Os contratos de licença da maioria das empresas de software tentam manter os usuários à mercê dessas empresas. Contra isso, nossa Licença Pública Geral tem o objetivo de garantir sua liberdade de compartilhar e modificar software livre – garantir que o software seja livre para todos os usuários. [...] Em particular, a Licença Pública Geral foi concebida para garantir que você tenha a liberdade de dar ou vender cópias de software livre, que receba o código-fonte ou tenha acesso a ele se quiser, que possa modificar o software ou usar partes dele em novos programas livres e que você saiba que pode fazer essas coisas. Para proteger seus direitos, precisamos criar restrições que proíbem alguém de negar esses direitos ou de pedir que você entregue os direitos (STALLMAN, 2002, s/p).24

Diferentemente da primeira licença de software escrita, a Berkeley Software

Distribuition (BSD)25, considerada uma das mais liberais por permitir qualquer tipo de

utilização sem nenhuma exigência sobre o regime dado às obras derivadas, a estratégia da

GPL se preocupava com a manutenção do regime público das obras, evitando que elas se

tornassem fechadas e passassem a competir entre si. O efeito viral desta inovação, chamado

por Stallman de copyleft (um trocadilho com a palavra copyright), possibilitou a rápida

expansão do GNU nos anos seguintes.

Contudo, para que o projeto ficasse completo, faltava um kernel (núcleo) do sistema

operacional, a parte responsável pela comunicação entre hardware e software. Stallman se

dedicava, até então sem sucesso, a um projeto de kernel quando em 1991 um estudante de

informática finlandês chamado Linus Torvalds apresenta um sistema semelhante ao do Unix-

System, baseado num kernel acadêmico chamado Mimix. Quando ele conseguiu testar uma

versão estável na rede, o projeto se tornou transnacional, o que possibilitou disponibilizar

gratuitamente a versão Linux 1.0 em 1994 na Internet.

A essa altura, o projeto GNU já havia cumprido seus principais objetivos: ter um

sistema operacional completo baseado em uma licença livre e popularizá-lo por suas virtudes

técnicas e boa reputação.

24 “The GNU Manifesto”, in Richard Stallman (org. ), Free software, free society: selected essays of Richard Stallman. Boston, Free Software Foundation. Disponível em <http://www.gnu.org/gnu/manifesto.html>.25 Sobre licenças de software livre, ver Relatório Técnico do IME-USP 2009-01, de Vanessa Sabino e Fabio Kon, em www.ccsl.org.br/files/relatorio-licencas.pdf

Isso explica o sucesso de projetos livres que perdura até hoje, como é o caso do

Apache no âmbito dos servidores web, que é o mais utilizado do mundo praticamente desde o

seu surgimento, em 1995.

Desde então, novas gerações de hackers vêm atuando sob a lógica open source e

transformando os softwares livres em poderosas forças do atual mundo da computação.

conforme explica Glyn Moody (2002:4):

Graças ao advento dos PCs de custo relativamente baixo, mas poderosos, e às ligações globais da Internet, os novos hackers são infinitamente mais numerosos, mais produtivos e mais unidos do que seus antepassados. Eles estão ligados por um objetivo comum - a escrita de ótimos softwares - e um código comum: que tal software deve estar livremente disponível para todos.26

2.3 Internet: uma invenção hacker

Um dos fatores cruciais para a disseminação e o aprimoramento dos softwares livres

foi a rede que permitiu a ampliação de conexões e trocas entre os programadores: a Internet.

Qualquer narrativa sobre a ética hacker que se pretenda minimamente válida não

consegue fugir do contexto que deu origem à rede das redes. Isso porque os hackers foram

essenciais para moldar sua arquitetura. Como observa em sua tese de doutorado a

pesquisadora norte-americana Alexandra Samuel (2004), A história da comunidade hacker se

confunde com a própria história da internet. A própria arquitetura da rede e a cultura dos

hackers se desenvolveram em um processo de conformação mútua. Antes da própria internet,

aparecia como um conjunto de múltiplas pequenas redes de cientistas, engenheiros e

estudantes agregados em torno de diversas plataformas de comunicação. A consolidação da

internet como a conhecemos dependeu da ideia e da necessidade de unir esses agrupamentos

em uma grande “rede de redes”.

Da mesma forma que traços marcantes da cultura hacker sofrem influência do

contexto na qual foi criada, a Internet dá eco a um momento histórico peculiar do século XX.

26 Tradução da autora: "Thanks to the advent of relatively low-cost but powerful PCs and the global wiring of the Net, the new hackers are immeasurably more numerous, more productive, and more united than their forebears. They are linked by a common goal - writing great software - and a common code: that such software should be freely available to all."

Esse momento se refere ao período do pós-segunda guerra, anos 60, na ascensão da Guerra

Fria e dos movimentos de contracultura. Na reflexão do historiador Roy Rosenzweig,

“entender essa dupla origem nos permite compreender melhor as atuais controvérsias sobre se

a internet vai ser 'aberta' ou 'fechada' – sobre se a rede vai promover o diálogo democrático ou

a hierarquia centralizada, comunidade ou capitalismo, ou uma mistura de ambos.”

(ROSENZWEIG, 1998, p. 1532)27

Boas narrativas estão disponíveis para aqueles que quiserem se aventurar pela

extraordinária história da Internet (ABBATE, 1994; NAUGHTON, 1999; HAFNER e LYON,

1996; GILLIES e CAILLIAU, 2000). Para os fins deste trabalho, farei um breve resumo sobre

o tema, dando destaque à contribuição da cultura hacker para a construção da rede global de

computadores, embora não ignore suas outras fontes, como a cultura das tecnoelites, a cultura

da comunitária virtual e a cultura empresarial.

A Internet foi construída como uma tecnologia aberta, com a intenção deliberada de

favorecer a comunicação livre e descentralizada. Isso pode parecer contraditório em um

primeiro momento, ao pensarmos que o projeto que deu origem à rede mundial veio do

Departamento de Defesa dos Estados Unidos. A Arpanet, uma rede de computadores feita pela

Advanced Research Projects Agency28 (ARPA) em setembro de 1969, foi criada para permitir

aos vários centros de computadores e grupos de pesquisa que trabalhavam para a agência

compartilhar on-line tempo de computação.

Hafner e Lyon contam que Bob Taylor, chefe do escritório da ARPA que lidava com

pesquisa computacional (o Information Processing Techniques Office, IPTO), encarava o

problema de ter salas com máquinas (que na época significavam um imenso investimento

financeiro), cada uma conectada a um mainframe, cada uma usando linguagens de programas

e sistemas operacionais diferentes. A ideia óbvia que Taylor teve para resolver a questão foi a

de pensar uma rede interativa para interligá-las, o que foi aceito e bancado pelo Departamento

de Defesa.

Para realizar a operação, o IPTO recorreu a uma tecnologia revolucionária

desenvolvida por Paul Baran na Rand Corporation, um famoso think-tank americano que

27 Tradução da autora: “Understanding these dual origins enables us to better understand current controversies over wheter the Internet will be “open” or “closed” - over whether the Net will foster democratic dialogue or centralized hierarchy, community or capitalism, or some mixture of both.” Rosenzweig, Roy. Wizards, bureaucrats, warriors, and hackers: writing the history of the Internet. The American Historical Review, Vol. 103, nº 5 (Dec., 1998), pp. 1530-1552. Disponível em: http://www.jstor.org/stable/264997028 Fundada em 1957 no pânico das proezas tecnológicas da União Soviética pós-Sputnik, ARPA, uma unidade do Departamento de Defesa, apoiava projetos de pesquisa e desenvolvimento em tecnologia, em particular para sistemas militares.

http://www.jstor.org/stable/2649970

costumava prestar serviços para o Pentágono, e pelo físico britânico Donald Davies, do

British National Physical Laboratory. Conforme explica Bruce Sterling em “Brief Story of the

Internet”, Baran imaginou como a comunicação das autoridades americanas sobreviveria a um

ataque nuclear, e a solução pensada por ele foi uma rede sem uma autoridade central, uma

rede distribuída que suportaria a destruição de seus pontos sem comprometer a estrutura como

um todo.

Crucial para que seu projeto deslanchasse foi a inovação da tecnologia digital para

“quebrar” mensagens em vários pedaços pequenos que poderiam ser enviados

individualmente e depois “remontados” no ponto de destino. Esse sistema de comutação por

pacote é a tecnologia central da Internet.

Em 1969, os primeiros nós da rede estavam na Universidade da Califórnia em Los

Angeles, no Stanford Research Institute, na Universidade da Califórnia em Santa Barbara e na

Universidade de Utah. Dois anos depois, já eram 15 nós, a maioria em centros universitários

de pesquisa. A empresa contratada para realizar a implementação do Arpanet foi a BBN, uma

firma de engenharia de Boston fundada por professores do MIT.

Depois de conectar computadores, a questão que surgiu foi: como conectar redes

incompatíveis entre si? Respondendo a isso, dois cientistas da computação, Robert Kahn, da

ARPA, e Vint Cerf, da Universidade de Stanford, escreveram um artigo em que explicavam a

arquitetura básica da Internet: para se comunicarem, as redes devem ter protocolos de

comunicação padronizados. Essa conquista veio em 1973, com o protocolo de controle de

transmissão (TCP). Cinco anos mais tarde, Cerf, Steve Crocker e Jon Postel, trabalhando para

a Universidade da Califórnia, acrescentam um protocolo intra-rede (IP), o que originou o

protocolo a partir do qual a internet opera até hoje, o TCP/IP (Castells, 2003).

Nos anos 90, a maioria dos computadores já dispunham de tecnologia para entrar na

rede.

No início da década de 1990 muitos provedores de serviços da Internet montaram suas próprias redes e estabeleceram suas próprias portas de comunicação em bases comerciais. A partir de então, a Internet cresceu rapidamente como uma rede global de redes de computadores. O que tornou isso possível foi o projeto original da Arpanet, baseado numa arquitetura em múltiplas camadas, descentralizada, e protocolos de comunicação abertos. Nessas condições a Net pôde se expandir pela adição de novos nós e a reconfiguração infinita da rede para acomodar necessidades de comunicação. (CASTELLS, 2003: p.15)

Embora o embrião da Internet venha de um projeto militar que buscava aumentar a

eficiência no uso dos recursos computacionais de seus cientistas associados, as aplicações

militares foram secundárias no projeto. Em verdade, o projeto de Baran - construir uma

estrutura de rede descentralizada, com poder computacional distribuído através de nós e

redundância de funções na rede para diminuir o risco de desconexão – tinha orientação

militar, mas foi rejeitado pelo Pentágono. A ideia foi retomada quando o diretor do IPTO

tomou conhecimento dela em um simpósio em outubro de 1967 (Naughton, 1999, p.129-131).

De acordo com Castells,

Ao que tudo indica, o IPTO foi usado por cientistas da computação situados na vanguarda de um novo campo (interconexão de computadores) para financiar a ciência dos computadores por todo o sistema universitário de pesquisa; assim foi que, nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, a maior parte do financiamento para pesquisa em ciência da computação nos Estados Unidos vinha da ARPA (esse era ainda o caso em 2000). (CASTELLS, 2003: 17)

Esses eram os mesmos cientistas que participavam da comunidade de usuários de

UNIX. A influência do movimento de código aberto possibilita o desenvolvimento da Usenet

– um backbone29 fora da Arpanet criado para comunicar computadores UNIX. Mais adiante,

as duas redes convergiram. A construção dessas redes, muito mais do que decorrentes de um

programa militar rígido, foi possível pela pesquisa paralela que era posta em prática com o

patrocínio militar.

A mesma cultura da liberdade individual que moldou os campi universitários de 1960

e 1970 usou a interconexão de computadores para seus próprios fins – na maioria dos casos

buscando a inovação tecnológica pelo puro prazer da descoberta (CASTELLS, 2003).

Pode-se dizer que a Internet levantou voo rumo à expansão global quando Tim

Berners-Lee e Roger Cailliau, escondidos de seus chefes do CERN (o Laboratório Europeu

para a Física de Partículas de Genebra), desenharam em 1990 a World Wide Web, um sistema

de compartilhamento de informações a partir de um navegador, e a difundiram em rede sem

direitos proprietários a partir de 1991. Assim o fizeram pela paixão por programar.

A abertura da arquitetura da Internet foi a fonte de sua principal força: seu desenvolvimento autônomo, à medida que usuários tornaram-se produtores da tecnologia e artífices de toda a rede. / (...) Essa múltipla contribuição resultou numa saraivada de aplicações nunca planejadas, do e-mail aos bulletin boards e às salas de chat, o modem e, finalmente, o hipertexto.

29 A infra-estrutura física da rede, por onde passam as correntes elétricas que carregam os fluxos de dados.

Ninguém disse a Tim Berners-Lee que projetasse a www, e na verdade ele teve que esconder a sua verdadeira intenção por algum tempo porque estava usando o tempo de seu centro de pesquisa para objetivos alheios ao trabalho que lhe fora atribuído. Mas teve condições de fazer isto porque pôde contar com o apoio generalizado da comunidade da Internet, à medida que divulgava seu trabalho na rede, e foi ajudado e estimulado por muitos hackers do mundo inteiro. (CASTELLS, 2003: 28)

A internet, nesse sentido, nasce de hackeamentos, a partir das ações de hackers que

foram capazes de subverter os valores estabelecidos em um processo institucional e

burocrático. Sua rápida difusão só foi possível graças a conduta aberta e cooperativa dos

primeiros hackers. Eles criaram a base tecnológica da Internet, e o fizeram pelo puro gosto de

criar e compartilhar a criação. Nas palavras de Castells (2003),

A cultura hacker desempenha um papel axial na construção da Internet por duas razões: pode-se sustentar que é o ambiente fomentador de inovações tecnológicas capitais mediante a cooperação e a comunicação livre; e que faz a ponte entre o conhecimento originado na cultura tecnomeritocrática e os subprodutos empresariais que difundem a Internet na sociedade em geral. (p.38)

Os fortes componentes meritocrático e de produção aberta às avaliações de pares

inscritos na ética hacker acabaram por manter a Internet com uma relativa independência dos

poderes empresariais e governamentais. Os protocolos que constituem a Internet e a estrutura

de governança que a rege, especialmente nos seus primeiros anos (hoje a Internet Corporation

for Assigned Names and Numbers ou ICANN30, organização não governamental a frente deste

processo, recebe duras críticas), incorporaram o espírito de abertura, descentralização,

formação de consenso e autonomia em seus grupos de trabalhos que produziram os padrões

técnicos guias da Internet em documentos de “solicitação de comentário” (Request for

Comments, RFC).

De acordo com o professor Sérgio Amadeu (2008),

A Internet tem uma topologia diversificada, pois ela é uma rede de redes que possuem uma geometria variada. Sua interconexão se dá a partir de um conjunto de protocolos que possuem funcionalidades vitais para que uma

30 A ICANN é responsável pela coordenação global do sistema de identificadores exclusivos da Internet. Entre esses identificadores estão nomes de domínio (como .org, .museum e códigos de países, como .UK) e os endereços usados em vários protocolos da Internet. Os computadores usam esses identificadores para se comunicarem entre si pela Internet. O gerenciamento cuidadoso desses recursos é vital para a operação da Internet, de modo que os participantes globais da ICANN se encontram periodicamente para definir políticas que garantam a segurança e a estabilidade constantes da Internet.

página da web possa abrir em uma tela de computador, para que um e-mail possa chegar até o seu destino ou para que um vídeo possa ser visto no YouTube. Entretanto, a interconexão das diversas redes formam uma grande malha distribuída. A pilha de protocolos TCP/IP tem sido apontada como a “alma da Internet”. A junção dessas topologias variadas com protocolos abertos, não proprietários, não patenteados, com o uso livre e não licenciado é que garantiu até o momento toda a flexibilidade e a ampla liberdade da Internet. (p.6)

Se depois de quatro décadas, ainda enxergamos a Internet como um espaço “livre por

natureza”, cuja neutralidade deve ser preservada (e por considerarmos esta sua essência,

lutamos por ela), isto é fruto da cultura que ajudou a produzir essa tecnologia. Castells

resume:

Sem prejulgar a eficiência dessas novas instituições, o que na verdade surpreende é ter a Internet alcançado essa relativa estabilidade em seu governo sem sucumbir seja à burocracia do governo dos EUA, seja ao caos de uma estrutura descentralizada. Que isso não tenha ocorrido foi a proeza desses cavalheiros da inovação tecnológica: Cerj, Kahn, Postel, Berners-Lee e muitos outros, que realmente buscaram manter a abertura da rede para seus pares como forma de aprender e compartilhar. Nessa abordagem comunitária à tecnologia, o patriciado meritocrático encontrou-se com a contracultura utópica na invenção da Internet e na preservação do espírito de liberdade que está na sua fonte. A Internet é, acima de tudo, uma criação cultural. (p. 32)

2.4. Hacktivismo

Com a difusão da internet e dos computadores pessoais, o hacktivismo floresceu. O

termo, uma junção das palavras “hacker” e “ativismo”, faz referência à militância política

feita na rede a partir de técnicas e ferramentas típicas dos hackers de computadores.

Nos últimos anos, representantes da prática como o coletivo Anonymous, com seus

defacements31 e bloqueios DoS32, e o Wikileaks, com seus vazamentos de informações

confidenciais, ganharam visibilidade e o termo passou a ser mais conhecido. Contudo, a

31 É a modificação feita em sites, como uma espécie de pichação, para disseminar uma mensagem, geralmente de cunho político, entre seus frequentadores.32 Em um ataque DoS (Distributed denial of Service, ataque distribuído de negação de serviço), um computador mestre assume o comando de até milhares de outros computadores e envia um comando para que as máquinas, conhecidas como zumbis ou bots, requisitem, simultaneamente, acesso a um determinado recurso em um determinado servidor. Como servidores web podem atender a um número limitado de usuários ao mesmo tempo (“slots”), o grande e repentino número de requisições de acesso esgota esse número de slot, fazendo com que o servidor não seja capaz de atender a mais nenhum pedido. Ou seja, fica bloqueado para o acesso regular dos usuários.

primeira menção ao termo foi do “Oxflood Ruffin”, membro do grupo autodenominado Cult

of the Dead Cow (RUFFIN, 2004), que considera hacktivismo “uma prática de hacking,

phreaking ou de criar tecnologias para alcançar um objetivo social ou político”33.

Já o fenômeno se consolidou a partir das açoes do grupo Teatro Eletrônico de

Distúrbios (Electronic Disturbance Theater – EDT) em 1998, quando ele cria o floodnet

(ANTOUN, 2003), uma aplicação em java para os navegadores que envia repetidas vezes

pedidos de recarregar para um site, concebido como um modo de convocar uma manifestação

virtual onde um multidão podia tentar paralisar ou derrubar um alvo usando esta aplicação

(não por acaso o projeto se chamava Swarm, que significa enxame)

Como uma espécie do ciberativismo, o hacktivismo se aproveita da nova configuração

biopolítica da rede, em contraposição ao biopoder de que trata Michel Foucault, tornando-a

um meio privilegiado de exprimir sua potência de ação. A biopolítica da rede possibilita que

as manifestações autônomas consigam exceder os controles e bloqueios, ou seja, permite uma

utilização ativista da rede, colocando as contradições do protocolo como uma estratégia de

contrapoder (ANTOUN e MALINI, 2009).

O hacking, ao buscar transgredir os limites originais de um determinado sistema,

acaba assumindo uma natureza política. Como explica Coleman (2004), a busca pelo

conhecimento, que é um componente central inconfundível do hacking, é uma política de

transgressão, porque o 'conhecimento' que é procurado geralmente é inacessível (ou o é

potencialmente) tanto no nível tecnológico quanto no legal. Mas não basta só o caráter

político da ação para que seja considerada hacktivismo.

Um dos principais estudos sobre o tema foi feito pela pesquisadora de Harvard

Alexandra Samuel (2004, p.2) em seu doutoramento. Ela analisou as práticas e o

desenvolvimento destes movimentos e propôs o seguinte conceito: “uso não-violento de

ferramentas digitais ilegais ou legalmente ambíguas para a persecução de fins políticos”.

Definição semelhante é dada por Manion e Goodrum (2000), para os quais os

hacktivistas formam uma “nova espécie de hacker”: indivíduos motivado por preocupações

éticas e que creem que seus atos devem ser considerados um uma forma legítima de

desobediência civil. Para estes autores, um ato hacktivista deve apresentar condições

necessárias de justificação moral: (1) não causar dano a pessoas ou propriedades; (2) não ser

violento; (3) não visar ao lucro pessoal; (4) ter uma motivação ética, isto é, a convicção de

33 “Hacktivism: a policy of hacking, phreaking or creating technology to achieve a political or social goal”. Disponível em: http://web.archive.org/web/19981203083935/

que a lei, norma ou conduta contra a qual se protesta é injusta; e (5) ter, por parte dos agentes,

uma vontade de assumir as responsabilidades para eventuais consequências.

Da análise dos conceitos propostos, extrai-se pontos importantes. O primeiro diz

respeito à diferenciação do hacker e do ciberterrorista. Ao ressaltar o caráter não-violento do

hacktivismo, os autores desconsideram o uso de softwares para ações que visem atingir fins

políticos por meios destinados a causar danos físicos às pessoas ou influenciar a opinião

pública pela ameaça de violência, como seria o caso da desestabilização de sistemas digitais

essenciais para operações estruturais na sociedade, a exemplo dos sistemas de gerenciamento

de tráfego aéreo ou linhas de transmissão de energia elétrica (SAMUEL, 2004).

O cracker, aquele que quebra sistemas em busca de benefícios pessoais, também

estaria excluído do espectro do hacktivismo. Entretanto, o conceito contempla os hackers que

invadem sistemas e acessam códigos protegidos por direitos de propriedade imaterial ou

divulgam informações sigilosas por acreditar que toda forma de censura e controle na internet

são injustas.

Sendo assim, a segundo conclusão que podemos tirar é que a legitimação do

hacktivismo reside no valor que orienta a ação e na sua expressão comunicativa. Se um dos

valores mais fortes do espírito hacker é o livre acesso à informação, ele é o que motiva a

intrusão em sistemas fechados ou a ruptura com as restrições da propriedade intelectual, como

também o compartilhamento de bens comuns para a exploração e o aperfeiçoamento público,

como argumentam Busch e Palmas (2006). Por isso é comum que ações interpretadas e

divulgadas pela mídia como ataques cibernéticos à privacidade ou sigilo de informações

sejam encaradas por hackers como comportamentos perfeitamente justificados, em vista de

um mote central que propõe a liberdade total dos dados e a abertura e neutralidade da rede.

Portanto, esses comportamentos se sustentam em um pano de fundo de uma organização de

valores, representando uma determinada visão de mundo e certo conjunto de interesses.

Samuel (2004) afirma que os hacktivistas são herdeiros de duas culturas políticas

distintas, a dos hackers/programadores e a cultura de uma esquerda pós-modernista,

representada por artistas-ativistas. Segundo a perspectiva artística, os projetos hacktivistas se

baseiam em uma estética, como o humor típico dos hackers, carregada por valores políticos.

Do ponto de vista político, aprofundam a crítica sobre o poder das significações mediadas

pelos aparatos de informação e comunicação. A ligação entre essas duas linhas influencia as

estratégias e as bandeiras dos diversos grupos.

Um bom exemplo é a Tactical Media (Mídia Tática) proposta pelo grupo Critical-Art-

Ensemble34, que recupera a ideia da desobediência civil e propõe um modelo para a

desobediência civil eletrônica (DCE) como alternativa à resistência digital.

A pesquisadora ainda apresenta uma classificação do hacktivismo, que pode ser

dividido entre o cracking político, que envolve ações ilícitas como redirecionamento e

desfiguração de sites na web; o hacktivismo performático, que junta ações legítimas e

coletivas como ocupações (sit-ins) e paródias de sites; e a codificação política, que equivale

ao desenvolvimento de softwares dedicados ao ativismo. O vasto campo de ação cria

controvérsias entre hacktivistas. Para alguns, por exemplo, congestionar o acesso a sites é

violar a liberdade de expressão.

Se o ativismo hacker se dá com ações no ambiente digital, a intenção é afetar o mundo

offline. Fica claro como este novo espaço, o ciberespaço, dá origem a novas formas de ação

política que estabelecem vínculos entre as lutas dentro e fora dele.

A ética hacker, comprometida com a liberdade de informação, a proteção à privacidade

e a resistência à censura digital, que por sua vez impulsionam uma vasta gama de frentes de

lutas, torna este grupo uma das mais poderosas forças políticas da atualidade.

34 Cf.: <www.critical-art.net>

3 ETNOGRAFIA DIGITAL: HACKERS BRASILEIROS

3.1 A metodologia de pesquisa netnográfica

À medida que a Internet se expande, um número cada vez maior de pessoas a utiliza

como uma forma sofisticada de comunicação que possibilita a formação de comunidades.

Estudar os fenômenos recentes da comunicação, o que inclui as comunidades on-line, exige

uma reflexão sobre o modo como o olhar científico deve guiar essa análise.

A complexidade do “campo desterritorializado” das manifestações no espaço digital

impõe uma adaptação ao clássico método etnográfico e conduz a uma imersão na rede, a um

tipo diferente de engajamento com o objeto. A netnografia ou etnografia on-line se refere a

métodos de pesquisa adaptados ao estudo das comunidades e culturas criadas a partir da

interação social mediada por computador.

A netnografia surgiu como uma metodologia voltada para a pesquisa de consumo e

marketing no final dos anos 1990, com ênfase no comportamento consumidor de grupos e

comunidades on-line. Ela envolve uma observação participante fora dos espaços

antropológicos clássicos e técnicas de coleta e interpretação de dados disponíveis em rede.

Kozinets (2010, p.12) escreve que “comunidades on-line formam ou manifestam

culturas, crenças apreendidas, valores e costumes que servem para ordenar, guiar e direcionar

o comportamento de um grupo ou sociedade específico”.35

Nesse sentido, a netnografia é uma espécie de etnografia online. Embora ainda haja

poucos estudos, ela é descrita como uma metodologia de pesquisa qualitativa e interpretativa

que adapta a pesquisa etnográfica para o estudo do ambiente online (KOZINETS, 2010).

Cabe aqui apontar o conceito da etnografia para que dele se extraia a base para a

pesquisa de comunidades mediadas por computador. Como esclarece o pesquisador Clifford

Geertz, sobre esta metodologia,

fazer etnografia é como tentar ler (no sentido de construir uma leitura de) um manuscrito estranho, desbotado, cheio de elipses, incoerências, emendas suspeitas e comentários tendenciosos, escrito não com os sinais

35 Tradução da autora: “Online communities form or manifest cultures, the learned beliefs, values and customs that serve to order, guide and direct the behavior of a particular society or group” (KOZINETS, 2010, p.12).

convencionais do som, mas com exemplos transitórios de comportamento modelado. (GEERTZ, 1989, p. 20)

De acordo com Weiss (1994), etnografia é o processo de estudar um grupo cultural ou

social. Etnografias foram desenvolvidas por antropólogos para estudar a sociedade e cultura

humanas a partir de um processo de descrição e compreensão do sentido das trajetórias dos

sujeitos e das comunidades. Os dados obtidos são interpretados como parte de uma

perspectiva sociocultural mais ampla e a partir da compreensão global da mesma (BAZTÁN,

1995), entendidos pelo ponto de vista dos participantes.

As etnografias de grupos on-line, portanto, ampliam as noções tradicionais de campo e

estudo etnográfico, assim como de análise etnográfica e representação, do ponto de vista da

observação presencial, das interações cara a cara, às interações tecnologicamente mediadas

em redes digitais e a cultura (ou cibercultura) compartilhada entre os participantes

(KOZINETS, 2010).

Em geral, netnografias envolvem a observação de “postagens” e “tópicos” (threads,

em inglês) em fóruns e entrevistas com comunidades on-line. Também pode envolver coleta

de dados offline (HINE, 2005). Materiais de websites, salas de bate papo, blogs e outros

recursos digitais costumam entrar na análise. A metodologia permite estudar a “ocorrência

natural” de comunicação e comportamento on-line.

A netnografia, portanto, segue os passos da sua irmã mais velha quanto à variedade de

técnicas, englobando entrevistas, grupos focais, análise de redes, surveys e outros métodos de

coleta de dados, sem padrões rígidos ou pré-determinados. Contudo, para Kozinets (2010),

dois pontos da metodologia exigem atenção. O primeiro é o pesquisador saber combinar os

dados obtidos a partir das interações presenciais com o objeto com os dados obtidos das

interações on-line. Segundo, o pesquisador precisa entender as diferenças entre um ambiente

social on-line para apropriadamente e consistentemente guiar a adaptação das técnicas

etnográficas (p. 42-44).

Kozinets (2010, p.89) ainda sugere alguns parâmetros para a escolha do campo

netnográfico. Segundo ele, é melhor observar comunidades on-line que são: (a) relevantes,

relacionadas diretamente com o foco e as questões da pesquisa; (b) ativas, que tenham

comunicações regulares e recentes; (c) interativas, que tenham um fluxo de comunicações

entre os participantes; (d) substanciais, que tenham uma massa crítica de comunicadores; (e)

heterogêneas, com tipos diferentes de participantes; e (f) ricas em dados, oferecendo detalhes

a partir deles.

Na observação participante netnográfica, os dados podem ser de três tipos: (a) dados

coletados diretamente pelo pesquisador, (b) dados gerados pela captura e gravação das

interações e dos eventos da comunidade on-line, (c) dados de rascunhos e notas de campo do

pesquisador. A coleta de dados envolve a cópia direta das comunicações mediadas por

computador feitas on-line entre os membros da comunidade, bem como a observação das

interações e seus significados pelo pesquisador.

Em ambos os estudos de caso realizados para esta dissertação – da comunidade

Transparência Hacker e do grupo de couchsurfers no Rio de Janeiro –, a etnografia online

serviu como aporte metodológico principal. Participar dos grupos é pré-requisito para uma

observação acurada e o entendimento de suas dinâmicas decorre exatamente desse

engajamento distanciado, do equilíbrio entre proximidade e distanciamento para obter o

sentido em meio aos acontecimentos.

3.2 Estigma e desvio: como os hackers são vistos no Brasil

Uma das questões mais interessantes sobre o universo hacker envolve os aspectos

morais e sociais da percepção que paira sobre o termo. Embora o entendimento de que a

internet deva ser livre - princípio que, como vimos, é basilar na ética hacker – seja

amplamente defendido36, a construção social do significado do termo hacker, em grande parte

produzido pelos meios de comunicação de massa, o conduz a uma identidade desviante que se

contrapõe ao entendimento original do que são os hackers.

Trabalhos acadêmicos de pesquisadores como Galloway (2004) e Vegh (2005) indicam

algumas possibilidades para a origem deste estigma.

Galloway (2004, p.153) verificou a partir da análise de notícias publicadas pela

imprensa dos EUA nos anos 1980 que “depois de uma combinação de tecnofobia pública e de

uma agressiva legislação governamental, a identidade do hacker mudou [...] para a de um fora

da lei digital”. A época marca a transição da figura do hacker como o programador aficionado

por resolver problemas tecnológicos para a, até hoje em voga, figura do criminoso e do

36 Um bom exemplo deste entendimento, no caso brasileiro, é o apoio cidadão à aprovação do Marco Civil da Internet.

sabotador, capaz de invadir e destruir sistemas e espalhar vírus para outros computadores. Até

o final da década de 90, essa foi a imagem que predominou, com constantes exposições de

hackers presos na mídia.

Um segundo marco na percepção dos hackers teve origem no ano de 2001, depois dos

ataques terroristas às torres gêmeas do World Trade Center. Deste momento em diante, a

política de vigilância sobre a população ganha força, sobretudo pela Internet e especialmente

nos Estados Unidos. Para Vegh (2003), essa nova política serviu para disseminar a imagem

dos hackers como ciberterroristas. Com isso, “na virada do milênio, o termo hacker perdeu

todo o seu significado original”.

O autor explica que a produção deste sentido para o termo hacker é decorrente do

medo que as autoridades sentem do grupo:

Uma vez que as redes de computadores se tornaram a salvação de nações desenvolvidas pós-industriais, a possibilidade de dano que poderia ser causado pela entrada não autorizada em sistemas de computadores assustaram muitas autoridades e profissionais responsáveis por operá-los. Desde o início, eles rejeitaram a ideia de uma ética hacker, da liberdade de informação, curiosidade intelectual, ou qualquer coisa que legitimasse o hacking. No entanto, é inegável que há hackers lá com intenção maliciosa ou, em outras palavras, criminosos ou terroristas que podem utilizar os sistemas de computador para alcançar seus objetivos. Nos primórdios, os hackers eram um grupo dedicado de programadores talentosos e inovadores comprometidos a fazer um uso melhor e mais eficiente da Internet. Então, assim como no caso de qualquer tecnologia, as pessoas vieram a bordo com intenções maliciosas e reivindicaram o mesmo estatuto dos hackers dos "velhos tempos". O problema é, no entanto, que as ferramentas e os métodos são exatamente o mesmo para um hacking clássico e um ato terrorista de computador.37

A disputa, portanto, se dá no âmbito da linguagem e da opinião pública, conforme

observa Wray (1998, s/p):

37 Tradução nossa do original: “Once computer networks became the lifeline of developed post-industrial nations the possibility of damage that could be caused by unauthorized entry into computer systems scared many authorities and professionals responsible for operating them. From the beginning, they rejected the idea of a hacker ethic, freedom of information, intellectual curiosity, or anything that legitimized hacking. Yet, it is undeniable that there are hackers out there with malicious intent or, in other words, criminals or terrorists who may use computer systems to achieve their goals. In the beginnings, hackers were a dedicated group of talented and innovative programmers committed to make a better and more efficient use of the Internet. Then, just like in the case of any technology, people came on board with malicious intent and claimed the same status as "old time" hackers. The problem is, however, that the tools and methods are very much the same for a classic hack as for a computer terrorist act.” Disponível em: <http://firstmonday.org/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/998/919>. Acesso em: 20 ago. 2013.

O que poderíamos chamar de um hack político ou um exemplo de hacktivismo, teóricos da guerra informacional, como os da RAND, a Universidade Nacional de Defesa, ou no âmbito da Agência de Sistemas de Informação de Defesa, poderiam definir pejorativamente como uma subcategoria do terrorismo cibernético... uma das batalhas mais importantes da chamada guerra de informação é a este nível conceitual, na área de definição. Precisamos questionar seriamente e abandonar algumas palavras que o Estado utiliza para demonizar genuíno protesto político e de expressão.38

Coube também à mídia e à indústria de tecnologia de segurança reduzir o alcance do

termo às atividades envolvendo apenas computadores, o que não abarca a ideia do hacker

como aquele capaz de usar qualquer artefato de forma imaginativa e pouco ortodoxa, como os

ciberpunks defendiam39.

No caso da grande mídia brasileira, a tendência de criminalização e redução é

semelhante. Para este trabalho, foram consultadas 1.241 matérias da Folha de S. Paulo

publicadas entre os dias 01/01/2001 e 30/07/2012, praticamente a última década, período em

que a difusão da internet intensificou-se no Brasil. A base de dados foi obtida a partir da

raspagem40, com o uso de um script em Python disponível no programa Scraperwiki41, dos

resultados da busca avançada dos termos "hacker" e "hackers" no acervo on-line do jornal.

Com a escolha do corpus e os dados coletados, foi necessário analisar cada matéria e

construir uma classificação sobre o uso do termo hacker durante a última década na Folha – o

jornal de maior circulação no país, motivo pelo qual o considero um bom representante da

mídia de massa neste caso.

A classificação levou em conta a conotação dada à referência ao hacker. Marquei

como negativas todas as utilizações do termo em associação à ideia de crime e terrorismo no

ciberespaço. Hackers como invasores ilegais de sistemas, ciberterroristas, piratas cibernéticos,

ladrões que atacam sistemas em benefício próprio. Para os que defendem a demarcação entre

38 Tradução nossa do original: “What we might call a political hack or an example of Hacktivism, information warfare theorists, like those at RAND, the National Defense University, or for that matter within the Defense Information Systems Agency, might define pejoratively as a subcategory of cyber terrorism ... one of the most important battlefields within so-called Information Warfare is at this conceptual level, in the area of definition. We need to seriously question and abandon some of the language that the state uses to demonize genuine political protest and expression” (Wray, 1998). S. Wray, 1998. “Electronic civil disobedience and the World Wide Web of hacktivism: A Mapping of extraparlamentarian direct action Net politics”. Disponível em: <http://switch.sjsu.edu/web/v4n2/stefan/>. Acesso em: 20 ago. 2013;39 GIBSON, William. Burning Chrome.In: Burning Chrome. New York: Ace, 1986, p.168-91.40 Conforme define a Wikipedia: “Data scraping (ou raspagem de dados) é uma técnica na qual um programa

de computador extrai dados de saída legível para humanos, proveniente de um outro programa, e disponibiliza estes dados de modo que se tornem legíveis para outros programas de computador.” Disponível em: <http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Data_scraping>. Acesso em: 20 ago. 2013.

41 <https://scraperwiki.com/>.

os "hackers do bem" e os "hackers do mal", tudo que serve para conceituar o "cracker", como

já vimos, cabe perfeitamente nesta classificação.

Como positivas foram classificadas as matérias que apresentavam o hacker na

concepção original do termo, como um aficionado por tecnologia em busca de aprimorar

sistemas de computador. Encontramos referências ao hacker como especialista em sistemas de

segurança capaz de testar seus limites e aprimorá-lo, desenvolvedor de jogos e programas,

inventor, artista digital, e também referências a eventos abertos que reúnem hackers, como

“hackdays”, “hackathons” e feiras de software livre.

Eliminamos as ocorrências em que o termo aparecia fora de contexto, por exemplo,

como parte de um nome próprio, propaganda de filme, livro ou empresa de segurança ou solto

em matérias que não abordavam a figura do hacker. Estes casos somaram 480 ocorrências,

portanto, o total de matérias válidas para a minha análise foi de 760.

Do total válido, classifiquei 106 matérias como “positivas” (14%), ou seja, cujo teor

não trazia essencialmente a ideia de hacker como criminoso. Por outro lado, em 654 casos

(86%) o termo hacker foi utilizado em um sentido “negativo”, semelhante ao que observam

Vegh e Galloway.

Gráfico 1: Sentidos da palavra hacker na Folha de S. Paulo

Positivo Negativo0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

106

654

Sentido atribuído ao termo hacker

É interessante notar também as diferenças entre as editorias. Apenas em 10 casos, as

menções aos hackers com um sentido positivo estiveram no Primeiro Caderno. A grande

maioria é encontrada nos cadernos especializados que, no caso da Folha, são o “Informática”,

depois transformado em “Tec”. Foram 35 menções positivas nestas editorias, seguida das

menções positivas nos cadernos de cultura.

Já a ideia de hacker criminoso surgiu 129 vezes no primeiro caderno e 82 vezes em

cotidiano, o que sugere uma disseminação muito mais ampla e uma importância depositada

pelo veículo de comunicação muito maior neste sentido. Apesar das mudanças sofridas nos

últimos anos, o Primeiro Caderno (hoje “Poder) da Folha de S. Paulo é, como define o próprio

jornal, “um instrumento fundamental para os formadores de opinião, que nele encontram

análises sobre os últimos acontecimentos”. Não é equivocado apontar, portanto, a atribuição

de um peso mais significativo enquanto acontecimento cotidiano à figura do hacker

criminoso.

As duas figuras abaixo são representações em nuvem das palavras contidas nos

parágrafos e títulos das matérias analisadas. Elas foram feitas no programa Wordle a partir das

colunas de contexto (positivo e negativo) da tabela “Hackers na Mídia” (Apêndice A –

Hackers na Mídia, Folha de S. Paulo). Quanto maior e mais central a palavra, mais recorrente

ela é nas matérias classificadas como positivas ou negativas.

A primeira delas (Figura 3) traz os termos mais utilizados que acompanham “hacker”

ou “hackers” nos parágrafos e títulos das matérias que foram classificadas como positivas

para o grupo, ou seja, não trazem a percepção do hacker criminoso. As palavras com sentido

semântico que se destacam são “segurança”, “internet”, “falhas”, “empresas”, “informática”,

“programas”, “comunidade”, “conhecimento”, “bem”, “dados”, “computadores”,

“tecnologia”, “cracker”, “ativistas”, “cultura”, “digital”, “americano”, “Defcon”, entre outras.

Esta nuvem de palavras traz insights interessantes sobre o uso do termo na mídia. A

maior e mais central das palavras, “segurança”, é como o “hacker do bem” é apresentado mais

recorrentemente. Ou seja, o especialista em segurança de sistemas, capaz de detectar falhas e

proteger os internautas dos “hackers do mal”, dos “invasores e terroristas”.

Alguns dos títulos de matérias que indicam esse contexto: “Hacker critica a segurança

dos programas” (Informática – 10/04/2002); “Hackers debatem invasões de computadores”

(Informática – 03/08/2005); “Novos Firefox e Internet Explorer têm falhas reveladas”

(Informática – 29/11/2006); “'Hacker ético' atua na proteção de dados” (Mercado –

05/06/2011).

Em algumas poucas matérias é apresentado o hacker em um contexto mais amplo e

político, de defesa do software livre e da internet enquanto espaço autônomo, ou em um

contexto mais estético, como ciberpunks, gamers ou artistas de códigos.42

Entre elas, temos os seguintes títulos e parágrafos (“título: parágrafo”): “Redes

provisórias de experimentação libertária: Um 'happening', uma passeata, um acampamento de

sem-terra, uma comunidade de 'hackers' na internet ou um Fórum Social seriam exemplos

possíveis (e de desigual dimensão) desses momentos de autonomia, dessas redes provisórias

de experimentação libertária.” (Ilustrada – 19/02/2012); "Evento apresenta jogos históricos:

Apesar de pequena (12 jogos), a mostra é representativa da evolução da linguagem (gráfica,

sonora, jogabilidade) dos videogames ao longo de seus 42 anos, desde a criação de "Space

Wars", de autoria de um hacker do MIT." (Ilustrada – 29/07/2003); "Hackers debatem a

representação da realidade: Chegaram os hackers que atuam dentro da legalidade da arte."

(Ilustrada – 22/04/2004); "Debate evidencia falta de modelos para música digital: No meio do

SL, "hackers" são os Robin Hoods que utilizam seu talento para democratizar a informação.

"Crackers" são os momentaneamente desviados para o caminho do mal, por falta de um

modelo econômico adequado para trabalharem." (Ilustrada – 08/06/2004); "Desafio Hacker: A

Câmara Municipal de São Paulo promoverá um evento em que hackers e desenvolvedores

deverão utilizar dados públicos em aplicativos úteis para os cidadãos paulistanos." (Tec –

07/05/2012); "Vende-se tudo (apenas a amigos):Isso tudo, no entanto, é o que a gente chama

de comportamento hacker: as plataformas não são feitas para esse tipo de transação, mas,

como permitem um modo fácil de publicar fotos e acessar os amigos, as pessoas usam."

(Mercado – 17/06/2012); “Hackers e jornalistas: Em evento que acontece hoje, a

HackHackers, associação internacional que tem como objetivo aproximar programadores de

jornalistas, inaugurará um grupo brasileiro.” (Turismo – 16/07/2012).

Interessante notar também que, ao contrário do que acontece com a nuvem semântica

da representação negativa do hacker (Figura 4), na positiva o termo cracker aparece, o que

evidencia a necessidade do veículo de comunicação de explicar - dada a difundida ideia do

hacker que promove quebras ilegais de sistemas – que existe um “gênero” de hacker do bem,

que atua dentro da “legalidade”, ao contrário do “cracker”, invasor de sistemas.

42 Em sua obra, Gabriela Coleman aponta a diversidade de grupos hackers e, entre eles, cita os ciberpunks, os gamers e aponta o caráter “artesanal” do trabalho com códigos.

Na nuvem de palavras extraídas dos títulos e parágrafos que abordaram o termo com a

conotação negativa, as palavras que se destacam são: “internet”, “computadores”, “sistema”,

“ataques”, “ataque”, “segurança”, “rede”, “site”, “falha”, “invasão”, “vírus”, entre outras.

Como é possível notar, a figura que prevalece é a do ataque e invasão a sistemas e

informações privadas em uma atividade que foge à legalidade. Entre as muitas matérias que

refletem essa percepção, alguns dos títulos se apresentam da seguinte forma: “Hackers furtam

dados do Fórum de Davos” (Primeiro Caderno – 06/02/2001); “Hackers atacam site do

governo canadense” (Informática – 21/02/2001); “Hacker pode ter roubado milhões nos

EUA” (Mundo – 21/03/2001); “Crime.com: País foi o que teve maior crescimento de número

de sites desfigurados; grupos de piratas assumem invasão” (Informática – 18/07/2001);

“Ciberterror: Hackers do Paquistão atacam site dos EUA” (Informática – 24/10/2001);

“Pirata: Rede da Nasa é invadida por hacker” (Informática – 14/08/2002); “Nova guerra

mundial já começou na internet” (Dinheiro – 03/11/2002); “Preso hacker que clonava sites de

bancos” (Cotidiano – 22/02/2003); "Hackers são presos no CE por golpe bancário" (Cotidiano

– 20/03/2004); "Operação anti-hacker prende 105 pessoas" (Cotidiano – 26/08/2005);

"Hacker é condenado a 10 anos de prisão no Rio" (Cotidiano – 12/05/2006); "Site do COB é

alvo de ataque de hackers" (Esporte – 20/08/2008); "Hacker roubou senha de Obama"

(Cotidiano – 26/03/2010), entre outros.

Figura 3: Nuvem de termos que acompanham “hacker” – conotação positiva

Figura 4: Nuvem de termos que acompanham “hacker” – conotação negativa

A análise das representações do termo na mídia permite identificar o quanto a

atividade de hacking é objeto de fascínio e medo ao mesmo tempo. Um entendimento mais

acurado do significado cultural do hacking e de suas implicações sociais é prejudicado pela

percepção hiperbólica tanto do “hacker do bem”, capaz de garantir a segurança das potenciais

vítimas de ataques na internet e criar maravilhosas soluções tecnológicas, sendo o “nerd

incompreendido e excêntrico” (que se corporifica, por exemplo, na figura de Mark

Zuckerberg no filme “Rede Social”), quanto do “hacker do mal”, capaz de perpetrar crimes

que vão desde a invasão de sistemas até o terrorismo digital. De um lado ou de outro, a figura

do hacker é posta como desviante, fora do padrão.

Esta ambiguidade do fascínio e do medo é, em parte, explicada pela própria

ambiguidade que permeia o uso das novas tecnologias e o pouco entendimento que se tem

sobre elas, o que deixa seus usuários “vulneráveis” diante de suas caixas-pretas. O Zeitgeist

que os hackers personificam, com sua ética nem sempre adequada aos parâmetros da moral

moderna, abre uma zona cinzenta muito pouco representada e conhecida para a maioria das

pessoas e põe em xeque os próprios limites entre o que é crime e o que é ação política, o que é

exploração e o que é invasão.

Nas palavras de Sterling (1991, p.4) em sua clássica obra “The Hacker Crackdown:

Law and Disorder on the Electronic Frontier”:

Os policiais e seus patronos nas empresas de telefonia simplesmente não entendem o mundo moderno dos computadores, e estão com medo. 'Eles acham que há mentores interessados em espionagem que nos empregam', me falou um hacker. "Eles não entendem que nós não fazemos isso por dinheiro, nós fazemos isso por poder e conhecimento. Seguranças da telefonia que passam pelo underground são acusados de deslealdade e demitidos pelos empregadores em pânico. Um jovem do Missouri friamente fez uma psicanálise da oposição. 'Eles são dependentes de uma coisas que eles não entendem. Eles entregaram suas vidas para computadores'.43

3.3 Estudo de caso: Transparência Hacker

O universo de comunidades hackers no Brasil é pouco explorado, embora amplo e

diverso. Por isso, escolher um objeto e um recorte não foi tarefa fácil. Ao contrário do que

muitos propagam, há uma forte heterogeneidade de práticas entre grupos que trabalham sob a

lógica hacker do código aberto, tais como Slackware-Br, Debian, Ubuntu, entre outros.44 A

dinâmica destes grupos, contudo, tende a se concentrar em torno de questões técnicas – o que,

cabe deixar claro, inúmeras vezes se relaciona diretamente a questões políticas e de outra

natureza – como dúvidas de programação e compartilhamento de códigos.

Para este trabalho, em que me disponho a refletir sobre a atividade do “hacking” não

apenas vinculada a um contexto de programação, mas que o transcende para influenciar os

mais variados campos, checar a presença dos elementos-chave da ética hacker para além de

um meio dominado por desenvolvedores seria crucial. Por isso optei por uma comunidade que

não abrangesse apenas programadores e que fosse representativa no contexto brasileiro. A

Transparência Hacker foi eleita.

Cabe ressaltar que a maioria das informações e interpretações aqui expostas são fruto

da observação direta da dinâmica dos atores na lista de discussão e em eventos em que estive

presente e de entrevistas coletadas ao longo do último ano.

43 Tradução nossa do original: “The cops, and their patrons in the telephone companies, just don’t understand the modern world of computers, and they’re scared. ‘They think there are masterminds running spy-rings who employ us,’ a hacker told me. ‘They don’t understand that we don’t do this for money, we do it for power and knowledge.’ Telephone security people who reach out to the underground are accused of divided loyalties and fired by panicked employers. A young Missourian coolly psychoanalyzed the opposition. ‘They’re overdependent on things they don’t understand. They’re surrendered their lives to computers.’”

44 Um excelente trabalho de análise destas comunidades foi feito pelo pesquisador Murilo Bansi Machado no artigo “Distros e comunidades: a dinâmica interna de Debian, Fedora, Slackware e Ubuntu”. Disponível em: <http://colivre.coop.br/pub/Main/VicenteAguiar/livrohqp.pdf>. Acesso em: 20 ago. 2013.

Antes de entrar na análise propriamente dita, contudo, acho importante expor como se

deu a minha aproximação com essa que se tornou a comunidade objeto da minha netnografia.

Já conhecia a comunidade desde meados de 2010, quando comecei a acompanhar suas

atividades. No início, o interesse foi mais jornalístico do que acadêmico. Discutia-se a Lei de

Acesso à Informação, à época tema que eu estava encarregada de cobrir para o site no qual

trabalhava. Após algumas pesquisas, cheguei ao nome da THacker e aos seus fundadores,

Pedro Markun e Daniela Silva. Alguns meses depois, me inscrevi no grupo e permaneci como

mera observadora.

Em 16 de abril de 2012, fiz a primeira viagem com o Ônibus Hacker45, o que foi

determinante para eu entender melhor as pautas e a dinâmica da comunidade, bem como para

me tornar um membro mais ativo. Com dez pessoas à bordo, saímos da Casa da Cultura

Digital em São Paulo para o encontro em Brasília da Open Government Partnership (OGP) ou

Parceria para Governo Aberto, “uma iniciativa internacional que tem o objetivo de assegurar

compromissos concretos de governos nas áreas de promoção da transparência, luta contra a

corrupção, participação social e de fomento ao desenvolvimento de novas tecnologias, de

maneira a tornar os governos mais abertos, efetivos e responsáveis”.46

Foram quatro dias de imersão na lógica de quem quer “hackear a política”, expressão

que os participantes mais ativos do grupo usam com frequência em suas chamadas para

hackdays, hackathons, barcamps e outros eventos e conferências em que a tecnologia e a

internet se tornam ferramentas de ação política.

Hackear a política, no sentido de torná-la mais apreensível e porosa à participação dos

cidadãos, revertendo a lógica dominante de desencanto político, é o que move a comunidade

desde o princípio e até hoje. Isso fica evidente em uma análise semântica dos títulos das

mensagens trocadas desde sua constituição como lista de discussão até os primeiros meses de

2013.

45 Como o projeto é descrito por seus organizadores: “O Ônibus Hacker é um laboratório sobre quatro rodas no qual hackers de toda sorte embarcam por um desejo comum: ocupar cidades brasileiras com ações políticas. Por política, entendemos toda apropriação tecnológica, toda gambiarra, todo questionamento e exercício de direitos. Por ação, entedemos a prática, o faça você mesmo uma antena de rádio, um projeto de lei, uma escola. Nessa lógica, o download de um torrent é uma ação política tão potente quanto a construção de aplicativos a partir de dados abertos. E encontros com estes, num busão, contam com o aditivo do caminho entre uma cidade e outra, quando ideias diversas se conectam e um orçamento público pode se tornar um lambe lambe ou um graffiti nos muros. O projeto começou em junho de 2011, quando a Transparência Hacker o lançou no Catarse, uma plataforma de financiamento coletivo. Em dois meses, 500 pessoas doaram 60 mil reais para a compra do ônibus, que começou a rodar pra valer em 2012. Desde então, 8 invasões hacker foram realizadas por mais de 100 pessoas de redes e áreas diversas para um público que chega a 3 mil pessoas.” Cf. <http://onibushacker.org/ >. Acesso em: 11 mai. 2013.

46 Conforme explicação do site <http://www.acessoainformacao.gov.br/acessoainformacaogov/acesso-informacao-mundo/governo-aberto.asp>. Acesso em: 20 ago. 2013.

http://onibushacker.org/

A nuvem de palavras abaixo (figura 5) foi feita, assim como as anteriores deste

trabalho, utilizando o aplicativo online Wordle a partir dos títulos de 4.724 threads de e-mails

enviados ao grupo Thackday, compreendendo o período de 6 de outubro de 2009 (início da

lista de e-mails) até o dia 31 de março de 2013. As palavras mais frequentes ganham destaque

em tamanho e em centralidade. ·.

Figura 5: Nuvem de termos das threads de e-mails do grupo Thackday (6/10/2009 a 31/03/2013).

É possível perceber nesta imagem que as palavras "dados", "acesso" e "transparência"

são as mais destacadas. Em seguida, "hacker", "abertos", "thackday", "internet", "informação"

e "governo" ficam mais visíveis. Podemos inferir da visualização que, em sua dinâmica de

mais de três anos, as pautas que formaram o grupo inicial, como acesso à informação, dados

abertos e transparência de governos, seguiram fortes e predominantes.

Hoje com mais de mil participantes, a Transparência Hacker começou com a

organização de um “Transparência Hackday” no primeiro fim de semana de outubro de 2009,

que contou com a participação de cerca de cem pessoas, as primeiras a integrarem a lista do

Google Groups. O evento foi pensado e divulgado pelos então jornalistas Daniela Silva e

Pedro Markun, que aproveitaram a repercussão da clonagem do Blog do Planalto47 entre

internautas para divulgar a proposta.

Gráfico 2: Membros mais ativos da Transparência Hacker

Nas palavras de Silva,

Poucas semanas depois, eu e o Pedro aproveitamos o momento para publicar na internet a chamada para o 1º Transparência HackDay. Já tínhamos esse evento em mente um pouco antes do Clone do Blog do Planalto ser publicado - eu tinha participado do Transparency Camp, da Sunlight Foundation, e tinha voltado de San Francisco sonhando com a ideia de organizar um evento horizontal como o proposto pela organização americana, mas com mais foco em produção de projetos do que em conversas ou discussões. O nome Transparência HackDay era uma cópia do Yahoo Open HackDay - evento que a Yahoo organizava com bastante

47 Daniela Silva explica: “Quando o Blog do Planalto foi lançado, e a discussão sobre ele começou a acontecer na rede, o Pedro foi esperto o suficiente para perceber que, apesar da falta de espaço para comentários, aquele veículo de comunicação tinha outras vantagens. O fato era que o Governo Brasileiro tinha acabado de abrir um blog oficial, baseado em uma tecnologia livre, com uma licença que praticamente implorava o reuso das informações, e com possibilidade de importar automaticamente os feeds do conteúdo completo publicado (uma tecnologia que permitia que qualquer um pudesse receber o conteúdo do blog em um software leitor de RSS ou... em um outro site). Foi um hack simples, de 15 minutos, feito às pressas e de brincadeira. O Pedro comprou o domínio planalto.blog.br (que era o mais parecido possível com o blog.planalto.gov.br original). Copiou o cabeçalho do Blog do Planalto (não se dignou nem a caprichar no layout). Instalou um plugin do Wordpress que permitia publicar automaticamente os feeds do blog original no novo blog, o genérico. Para cada post abriu, obviamente, espaços para comentário - sem nenhuma forma de moderação. E criou assim o Clone do Blog do Planalto, com comentários. Tão fácil e previsível que não dava pra dizer que era um hack técnico. Era mais como um hack político." SILVA, Daniela. Transparencia Hacker en Brasil. In: La Promesa del Gobierno Abierto. Disponível em: http://www.lapromesadelgobiernoabierto.info/lpga.pdf

sucesso em São Paulo, no qual hackers participavam de uma maratona intensiva de desenvolvimento de projetos, em nome da diversão, do desafio, da vontade de escrever código. Nós queríamos fazer a mesma coisa, com apenas duas diferenças: 1) os projetos usariam informações públicas disponíveis na rede ou teriam algum tipo de intenção política e 2) o Transparência HackDay também era um convite para jornalistas, ativistas, pesquisadoras, cidadãos e cidadãs curiosas, qualquer um que quisesse juntar internet e política para criar um projeto. 48

Desde então, a comunidade foi se ampliando:

Começamos a fazer mais encontros, a medida que íamos fazendo mais encontros, a lista ia crescendo e começaram a surgir alguns projetos que transcendiam os Hackdays, a comunidade foi ganhando força, começamos a participar de palestras, muito motivados pelo W3C, que estava fazendo um trabalho de dados com os governos. Eles nos incluíam nos eventos e nos apresentavam como pessoas da sociedade civil que estão fazendo aplicativos. Vários vetores ajudaram a comunidade a crescer, fizemos muitos aplicativos, muitos processos bacanas, incidimos na Lei de Acesso e começamos a crescer por meio de um processo orgânico. Os projetos que resultaram do evento, todos em versão bem preliminar, eram incríveis exemplos do uso da internet para a política: uma base de dados com todas as milhares de fotos liberadas em Creative Commons pela Agência Brasil, uma agência governamental de jornalismo. Um protótipo para realizar eleições abertas e seguras para a reitoria de uma universidade pública, usando a internet e aumentando a participação. Um vídeo com dados alarmantes sobre lixo eletrônico. Uma plataforma para dar transparência à demanda e à oferta de vagas para jovens e adultos em escolas públicas. Uma camada de visualização de dados do desmatamento da Amazônia para o Google Maps. Todos esses projetos demonstravam que, pelo menos do lado da sociedade, havia interesse e vontade de se trabalhar em projetos políticos na internet - de forma autônoma, livre e colaborativa. Não precisávamos pedir permissão pra ninguém pra construir esses projetos. Nós simplesmente começamos a construí-los, porque era possível.49

Um desses projetos, que trouxe não só visibilidade à comunidade como também abriu

espaço para uma maior participação de seus integrantes, foi o Ônibus Hacker. No dia

19/05/2011, Pedro Markun enviou a seguinte mensagem para a lista:

Caros,

como alguns já sabem... vamos comprar um ônibus!

A idéia é ter um ônibus a disposição da(s) comunidade(s) pra que a gente consiga descentralizar os THackdays, montar caravanas para eventos relevantes e tocar o terror em pequenas cidades levando cultura digital,

48 SILVA, Daniela. Transparencia Hacker en Brasil. In: La Promesa del Gobierno Abierto. Disponível em: http://www.lapromesadelgobiernoabierto.info/lpga.pdf49 SILVA, Daniela. Transparencia Hacker en Brasil. In: La Promesa del Gobierno Abierto. Disponível em: http://www.lapromesadelgobiernoabierto.info/lpga.pdf

conhecimento livre, hackerismos, dados abertos e o que mais couber na mala. (…) (Fonte: Lista da Transparência Hacker)

Em maio de 2011, após debates entre membros do grupo, o projeto estava no site de

financiamento coletivo (crowdfunding) Catarse. Neste período, houve um grande fluxo de

novos membros (Gráfico 3) e de mensagens (Gráfico 4), que se explica, principalmente, pela

entrada em cena deste projeto e o engajamento que ele gerou. A iniciativa teve 464 apoiadores

e arrecadou R$58.593,00 graças à mobilização dos próprios membros da Thacker.

Gráfico 3 – Novos membros no grupo entre 2009 e 2013

Fica claro que a lógica do comprometimento com a liberdade de informação,

descentralização, diversão e “hands on” (ou mão na massa, como os membros da Thacker

costumam dizer) esteve presente desde a formação da comunidade e é o que faz dela um dos

principais e mais dinâmicos grupos hackers do país.

Gráfico 4 –Fluxo de mensagens no grupo entre 2009 e 2013

A comunidade funciona aberta à participação de qualquer interessado, basta se

inscrever na plataforma do grupo. Além disso, não há qualquer tipo de hierarquia formal entre

os participantes. O que há, contudo, é uma espécie de “prestígio maior” atribuído aos

membros mais participativos. Segundo Pedro Markun, a Thacker não é uma comunidade

“meritocrática”, no sentido tradicional de que o mais hábil programador terá necessariamente

o maior prestígio diante dos demais membros, mas é uma comunidade “façocrática”. Ele

explica:

A gente trabalha com uma lógica 'façocrática': quem faz, manda. E ela não é meritocrática, não impõe que a pessoa que saiba muito tenha mais poder na Thacker, no sentido de carregar e acumular o poder. Quem faz, manda, e as coisas acontecem. É muito difícil discutir com as coisas que estão acontecendo, temos uma política de que 'se não gostou, faz melhor'. Essas relações se dão de uma maneira muito horizontal, muito orgânica. As pessoas que estão fazendo, estão pilhadas, investindo energia e tempo, acabam sendo as mesmas que ditam o rumo das coisas. Para mudar de rumo é muito fácil, basta você começar a fazer diferente. A maior dificuldade do processo – eu não entendo isso como problema, e sim como característica – é que muita gente fica aguardando caminhos, aguardando ordens, mas não existe infantaria nem comandante, o que existe são processos e projetos. Você tem que se engajar no processo e seguir a ideia de fazê-lo da maneira mais aberta possível. Quando marcamos uma reunião, simplesmente colocamos na lista que vai haver uma reunião, a pessoa participa ou não. Mas é difícil, muita gente se sente intimidada com a possibilidade de propor novas coisas. Isso é dificuldade percebida e comunicada. É uma dificuldade inerente a um processo baseado na autonomia dos indivíduos e na vontade de fazer de cada um. Às vezes, existe uma resistência muito grande das

pessoas. O padrão que a gente vê no mundo é o das pessoas que tiram sua ordem do dia e executam aqueles comandos. (Entrevista com Pedro Markun)

A experiência de liderança acaba sendo fluida e os membros mais influentes são os

que mais contribuem, seja nas discussões ou nos projetos que surgem delas. Claro que, de

certo modo, há uma “liderança” simbólica dos mais antigos e mais conhecidos no grupo,

como é o caso de seus fundadores. Ela se manifesta quando, por exemplo, são eles os

procurados por um veículo de comunicação em busca de uma fonte para falar “em nome da”

Thacker. Embora os participantes mais antigos guardem uma posição privilegiada para falar

do histórico do grupo, há uma preocupação constante de não personificar demais a

comunidade e de falar em nome dela, como se fosse uma massa homogênea de pensamento.

Não há porta-voz eleito, todos os membros podem opinar e participar em entrevistas e

chamadas para eventos em que o grupo é o foco. Como isso é feito? Mesmo que haja um

direcionamento para um membro específico, existe a preocupação constante de compartilhar o

contato e abrir a participação no grupo de e-mail. Um exemplo de como ocorre:

From: Amanda Lopes Demetrio da Silva <[email protected]>Date: 2011/7/6Subject: Pedido de entrevistaTo: "[email protected]" <[email protected]>

Oi Daniela,

Tudo bem? Peguei seu e-mail do mailing da Casa da Cultura Digital :) Sou repórter do Tec, caderno de tecnologia da Folha, e esta semana estamos tocando uma pauta meio diferente. Vamos pegar grandes nomes da tecnologia e inovação no Brasil e pedir que eles digam o que fariam para salvar a rede social MySpace (ela foi comprada por uma empresa e pelo Justin Timberlake na última semana).

Você ou alguma outra pessoa do Transparência hacker toparia participar? Acho que a visão de vocês sobre o assunto é fundamental :)

Valeu,

Amanda DemetrioTec - Folha de S. Paulo

Em quarta-feira, 6 de julho de 2011 21h30min08s UTC+2, Daniela B. Silva

escreveu:

Oi, Amanda!

Estou encaminhando sua solicitação pra nossa lista.

Pessoal, alguém aí ajuda? Respondendo com cópia pra Amanda, por favor?

Beijo,

Dani

A postura vai de encontro a uma lógica mais institucionalizada, carregada por

paradigmas que não se coadunam à ética hacker, como a centralização, a hierarquia e a

“representação” (no sentido de não ter autonomia para falar por si).

Do mesmo modo que a inquietude com qualquer tipo de bloqueio ou trava é uma das

atitudes, entre outras, que Levy (2005) destaca como ligada aos primeiros “verdadeiros

hackers” e de alguma forma persistente nas gerações seguintes, a falta de abertura ou o

bloqueio de informação dos governos para com seus representados é o principal foco da

Thacker. Os computadores são vistos como ferramentas a serem usadas na própria luta

política, ferramentas para libertar as pessoas e dar a elas acesso direto às decisões que, antes,

estavam fora do seu alcance.

Em muitos dos tópicos de discussão da comunidade, fica claro como a ética hacker

molda os valores dos membros mais ativos. Para exemplificar, destaco trechos de um tópico

(intitulado “A Thacker poderia...”) com 25 mensagens, trocadas em 27 de março de 2012, que

abordou a possibilidade de criar uma igreja da Thacker:

[thackday] A THacker poderia...

Patrícia Cornils <[email protected]> 27 de mar para thackday:

... argumentar que os agentes estatais “muitas vezes se arvoram em legislar ou expedir normas sobre assuntos que interferem direta ou indiretamente no sistema de liberdade" na internet...

E propor ADINs e ADCs.

http://ultimainstancia.uol.com.br/conteudo/noticias/54516/Proposta+de+emenda+autoriza+entidades+religiosas+a+iniciar+acao+de+inconstitucionalidade.shtml

Radicais, os caras.

--

Patrícia Cornils

Pedro Markun [email protected] por googlegroups.com 27 de mar para thackday:

Se não são, poderiam ser.

Eu tenho discutido isso na boca miuda, mas a Dani fica desconfortável e acha que entrar no campo da religião e do sagrado pode ser um tironopé ;)

Ainda acho que a gente precisa disputar (e eventualmente resignificar ou desmontar) todos os campos onde se produz política.... então.

Imagina só uma igreja do santo compartilhamento, que tem como ideia fundamental o mito da originalidade. Dizendo que não existe nada de original, nunca e que tudo (da biologia, ao conhecimento, aos arquivos digitais) é essencialmente remix - e que é direito (divino) nosso o livre acesso ao conhecimento e falta moral grave não compartilhar aquilo que sabemos com o próximo (conhecido também como a parabola 'caiu na rede é peixe').

Estava na pilha de fazer um 'Religião Hackday' que seria uma oficina facilitada para desconstruir as religiões e fazer com que cada um crie sua própria religião (a la 'como fazer um projeto de lei').

[E sei que estou transitando em um terreno complicado aqui. Imagino que não preciso falar, mas aos THacker que eventualmente se sintam ofendidos por essa mensagem... respirem fundo e bora dialogar.]

abs,

Pedro Markun

Daniela B. Silva <[email protected]> 28 de mar para thackday:

(Como transformar uma conversa privada - e desconfortável - de café da manhã com os amigues em uma discussão em uma lista com mais de 1000 pessoas - Pedro Markun ajuda você a fazer isso \o/)

Não acho que é tironopé.

Apesar de considerar válido o alerta de que, não raramente, vejo essas discussões e cairem num campo que *pra mim* tem uma certa carga de intelorância religiosa. Não uma carga total, mas alguma. Alguma coisa de se colocar numa posição de dizer "essas religiões 'dos outros' não estão legais como estão". O que não necessariamente precisa ser combativo e violento - pode ser construtivo e livre e incrível... mas percebem que também pode ficar combativo e violento? E que não muito raramente fica?

Quero dizer: criar a sua religião é lindo, acho que tem mesmo é que criar umas duzentas. Mas criar pra esvaziar o sentido da religião do outro, pra disputar uma construção particular como a da espiritualidade... não sei. *Pessoalmente*, não sei se - no espaço da espiritualidade - religiões precisam de esvaziamento de sentido, feito por meio de disputa. No espaço da política, obvio. Mas tem um outro pedaço que eu não tenho vontade de mexer, não. E o desconforto é porque eu sei, obviamente, o quão misturados esses pedaços estão...

As pessoas podem acreditar no que elas quiserem, e pra mim isso é um fato da vida (mesmo quando não deixam elas acreditarem no que quiserem, elas continuam fazendo isso há milênios). Eu acho que essa liberdade tem que ser protegida. Com ou sem isenção de impostos, o que é outro capítulo da história. Um capítulo político, não espiritual, que a gente pode disputar como for e discutir bastante. Mas a parte do "hackday religião, vamos desmontar tudo, até a última caixa de pandora que estiver fechada"... Acho totalmente legítimo, acho até que pode ser incrível. Mas nesse eu não vou :)

Enfim, muito confuso. O que eu acho de verdade é que *eu* tô sussa.

Bruno Freitas <[email protected]> 28 de mar para thackday:

Acho que cada um tem suas crenças na vida, essa lista tem muitas, mas no geral pelo que vi até hoje desde que entrei na lista as pessoas daqui gostam muito e acreditam na livre cooperação, não-hierarquia nos processos de criação, abertura total para controle social, e descentralização total nesse controle.

Nesse sentido, não podemos chamar isso de fé? Na real, não sabemos se isso é o que seria o melhor para a sociedade. Achamos que é, porque algumas experiências deram certo. Mas ninguém sabe como seria uma sociedade com abertura total e gestão descentralizada de economia, política e afins. Então, sem saber como seria e sem ter uma maneira cientificamente válida (método científico) de verificar, não seria isso uma crença, uma fé que as pessoas daqui compartilham de que viveríamos numa sociedade melhor se chegássemos a ter uma sociedade baseada nesses parâmetros?

Enfim, sei que tem muita generalização aí, não quero de maneira alguma ferir as crenças de ninguém não. Mas tudo que tenho feito ultimamente se baseia e muito em experiências bem sucedidas e uma vontade gigante de mudar o mundo pra melhor, e melhor no sentido de ser melhor pra mais gente, de ser menos elitista, mais equânime e convivial. E isso tudo baseado numa crença de que seria melhor assim, mas não tenho absoluta certeza se seria.

Relendo admirável mundo novo, numa das conversas filosóficas entre o selvagem e o "chairman" da sociedade, ele comenta que houve uma tentativa de fazer todos iguais e que houve um problema sério porque ninguém queria, por exemplo, ser o gari, catar o lixo dos outros. "Se somos todos iguais, eu não irei catar seu lixo", ou algo assim...

Ao apontar os valores que norteariam uma igreja da Transparência Hacker, caso fosse

criada, alguns de seus membros acabaram por definir valores comuns aos integrantes

(especialmente os mais ativos) do grupo, como a defesa do compartilhamento, o remix, o livre

acesso ao conhecimento, a livre cooperação, a não hierarquia nos processos de criação, a

abertura ao controle social e a descentralização.

Guiada pela mesma ética que levou Stallman a defender e difundir o software livre, a

Transparência Hacker leva os valores para além do âmbito técnico, ajudando a difundir a

prática do hackeamento em novos campos, como o político.

A ética hacker, incorporada à própria lógica da internet, pode ser observada também

como uma referência direta de outras comunidades e projetos on-line, que por sua vez

influenciam ações políticas e sociais mais amplas, como pressões por um projeto de lei ou

manifestos em favor de determinada causa. No sentido latouriano, o pensamento hacker é um

ator importante em diversas controvérsias contemporâneas.

4 P2P: A LÓGICA DA PRODUÇÃO ENTRE PARES

4.1 Capitalismo cognitivo e produção de valor

Antes de entender à nova lógica produtiva, é necessário entender o contexto no qual

ela emerge, de mudanças não apenas na apreensão do tempo e do espaço, como também na

produção de valor.

A hiperaceleração tecnológica com a chamada Revolução da Informação altera toda a

experiência existente nas sociedades modernas, acostumadas com o ritmo industrial. De

acordo com Sodré (2002, p. 184), “se a revolução industrial centrou-se na mobilidade

espacial, a revolução da informação centra-se na virtual anulação do espaço pelo tempo,

gerando novos canais de distribuição de bens e a ilusão da ubiquidade humana.”50

Neste cenário, surgem diferentes teorias – como pós-fordismo, pós-industrialismo,

pós-modernismo, capitalismo cognitivo – que, à parte suas peculiaridades, focam-se na

descentralização e na desmaterialização possibilitadas pela hegemonia das novas tecnologias

da informação e comunicação.

Lyotard (apud Harvey) observa que o desenvolvimento do aparato tecnológico

propiciou um intercruzamento entre as diversas formas de viver e ver o mundo, abrindo

caminho para a pós-modernidade, caracterizada por um jogo de linguagem, que está

constantemente se reestruturando e criando novos códigos.

Emerge então um regime baseado na produção de conhecimento e em um ‘trabalho

vivo’, cada vez mais intelectualizado e comunicativo, numa economia que depende cada vez

mais das dimensões simbólicas, culturais e imateriais do trabalho. Criatividade, afeto,

comunicação e linguagem tornaram-se características exigidas pela produção e pelo consumo

na nova etapa do capitalismo.

Se antes, para produzir uma mercadoria, era necessário um certo número maior de horas de trabalho simples (...) ou, de qualquer maneira, se para produzir um número maior de mercadorias era necessário um aumento da massa de trabalho, hoje, observamos, ao contrário, que cada aumento de produção nasce da expressão de atividades intelectuais, da força produtiva da descoberta científica e sobretudo da estreita aplicação da ciência e da

50 SODRÉ, Muniz. A distribuição comunicacional. In: VAZ, Paulo, PACHECO, Anelise. (orgs.) Vozes do milênio: para pensar a globalização. Rio de Janeiro: Gryphus, 2002, p. 184.

tecnologia à elaboração da atividade de transformação da matéria. (NEGRI, 2003, p. 92-3)

A mercadoria manufaturada, símbolo do trabalho material e do regime “fordista” de

acumulação de riqueza, é substituída pelo saber e pela criatividade, frutos do “trabalho

imaterial” (não mais mensurável em unidades de tempo). A empresa passa a ocupar o lugar da

fábrica e seu principal capital deixa de ser os instrumentos de produção para ser o próprio

conhecimento.

Com as transformações econômicas, o próprio trabalho tende a funcionar dentro de

redes de cooperação e comunicação. Nas palavras de Negri e Hardt (2005, p. 14),

Todo aquele que trabalha com a informação ou o conhecimento – dos agricultores que desenvolvem determinadas sementes aos criadores de softwares – dependem do conhecimento comum recebido de outros e por sua vez criam novos conhecimentos comuns. Isto se aplica particularmente a todas as formas de trabalho que criam projetos imateriais, como ideias, imagens, afetos e relações. Daremos a este novo modelo dominante o nome de “produção biopolítica”, para enfatizar que não só envolve a produção de bens materiais em sentido estritamente econômico como também afeta e produzem todas as facetas da vida social, sejam econômicas, culturais ou políticas.

Isso significa que o valor deixa de estar dentro de uma relação de comando e se liga à

circulação de saberes que integram as forças produtivas. É a liberdade, e não o comando, que

funda o valor. A dificuldade, para o capital, é articular a regulação e as modalidades de

apropriação capitalista dessa riqueza da qual as fábricas são cada vez mais dependentes.

O capital torna-se produtivo somente na medida em que capta valores pré-constituídos do trabalho social. Aqui, então, a função do comando se organiza como ameaça de bloquear a informação, como interrupção dos processos cognitivos, em suma, o capital parasitário é aquele que extrai o valor sobretudo da interrupção dos movimentos de conhecimento, de cooperação, de linguagem. Para viver e reproduzir-se o capitalismo é obrigado a chantagear a sociedade e a bloquear os processos sociais de produção toda vez que apresentem excedente no que concerne a seu comando. (NEGRI, 2003, p.95)

A tentativa passa então pela privatização do conhecimento a partir de licenças

restritivas de propriedade intelectual, de modo a expropriar o comum resultante da cooperação

social. Em reação e resistência, novos aparatos são criados para libertar o conhecimento

(softwares de download P2P, por exemplo).

Nesse sentido, não há dúvida de que as novas tecnologias vêm revolucionando o

processo de produção, distribuição e circulação do conhecimento nas sociedades

contemporâneas. Cada vez mais instrumentos são criados para permitir a um número cada vez

maior de cidadãos cooperar ativamente na produção e consumo de conteúdos de todo tipo. E

cada vez mais formas de controle e expropriação são propostas.

4.2 P2P e economia da dádiva

A internet já conecta mais de dois bilhões de pessoas.51 Apesar de a distribuição dessas

conexões ainda ser bastante desigual (o que não se pode esquecer, sob o risco de ignorar os

que não participam da atual cultura tecnológica), é inegável a contribuição da rede mundial

para as trocas e para a comunicação humanas.

Ao observar a interação humana no ciberespaço, ficam evidentes52 as diversas frentes

de cooperação e solidariedade formadas. Os exemplos são vários, desde o Software Livre –

como apresentado, o principal modelo de como a cooperação coletivamente motivada

consegue inclusive produzir resultados que superam os obtidos em interações movidas por

interesses econômicos individuais – até as plataformas, cada vez mais numerosas, de

produção e consumo colaborativo53, que permitem o benefício de usar um

produto/compartilhar uma experiência sem a necessidade de possuí-lo imediatamente ou

monetizá-la, ou seja, desvinculam a experiência da propriedade privada individual.

Esses novos canais de distribuição e consumo de bens permitem comunicar um vasto

conjunto de interesses, conhecimentos, habilidades e experiências humanas, criando novas

dinâmicas sociais. Segundo Benkler (2006, p. 14), a mudança crucial é que a produção social

baseada nos commons, e não na propriedade, tornou-se uma força significativa na economia.

E, como ressaltam Negri e Hardt (2005, p. 256), estes commons, recursos comuns

compartilhados entre membros de uma comunidade, servem de base para a produção futura,

numa relação expansiva em espiral.

51 Segundo dados da União Internacional de Telecomunicações disponíveis em: <http://www.itu.int/net/pressoffice/press_releases/2010/39.aspx>. Acesso em: 23 dez. 2011.52 Os estudos do professor Yochai Benkler serviram de inspiração e guia para esta minha análise.53 Uma boa compilação destas plataformas pode ser encontrada neste link: http://www.inovadoresespm.com.br/2011/07/como-o-consumo-colaborativo-esta-transformando-os-negocios/

Os processos organizacionais de atividades entre pares que colaboram mútua e

diretamente são chamados também de P2P. O termo popularizou-se nos anos 90 e passou a

designar os mais variados fenômenos colaborativos, como blogs, wikis, software livre, e

tantos outros que funcionam sem autoridades centralizadas para a produção ou

compartilhamento de um determinado recurso, ou seja, dispensam o mediador.

Bauwens, um dos principais teóricos do conceito e fundador da P2P Foundation,

explica que o P2P não se refere a todos os comportamentos ou processos que ocorrem em

redes distribuídas. “Especificamente, o P2P designa todos os processos que visam aumentar a

participação generalizada de participantes equipotenciais.” (BAUWENS, 2005, p.1)

Segundo ele, entre as características mais importantes do P2P estão:

• “produzem valor de uso através da cooperação livre entre produtores que têm acesso a capital distribuído: este é o modo de produção P2P, um ‘terceiro modo de produção’, diferente da produção com fins lucrativos e da produção pública efetuada por companhias detidas pelo Estado. O seu produto não reside num valor de troca destinado ao mercado, mas num valor de uso dirigido a uma comunidade de usuários;

• são administrados pela comunidade de produtores e não por mecanismos de alocação do mercado ou por uma hierarquia empresarial;

• disponibilizam livremente o valor de uso segundo um princípio de universalidade, através de novos regimes de propriedade comum.” 54

Em resumo, estes processos baseiam-se em um poder distribuído e no acesso

distribuído aos recursos, na equipotencialidade ou 'anticredencialismo' (não existe qualquer

seleção a priori de quem pode participar e a capacidade de cooperar é verificada no próprio

processo de cooperação) e no holoptismo (ao contrário do panoptismo, em que é importante

restringir o conhecimento do processo total a um pequeno grupo, no holoptismo o design do

processo permite que os participantes tenham livre acesso a toda informação sobre os

demais).

Ao contrário da lógica proprietária, a lógica da produção colaborativa não é regida por

“vozes que comandam” (hierarquias rigorosamente estabelecidas) ou por compensações

monetárias, mas por sinais e motivações socialmente compartilhados. De acordo com

Benkler:

54 Tradução da autora de “The political economy of peer production”. “P2P processes: produce use-value through the free cooperation of producers who have access to distributed capital: this is the P2P production mode, a 'third mode of production' different from for-profit or public production by state-owned enterprises. Its product is not exchange value for a market, but use-value for a community of users; are governed by the community of producers themselves, and not by market allocation or corporate hierarchy; make use-value freely accessible on a universal basis, through new common property regimes.”

Por décadas o nosso entendimento de produção econômica foi que indivíduos ordenam suas atividades produtivas de um dos dois jeitos: ou são empregados em empresas, e seguem as direções de gerentes, ou são indivíduos em mercados, seguindo os sinais dos preços. […] Nos últimos três ou quatro anos, a atenção pública voltou-se para um fenômeno econômico de jovens de 15 anos no mundo do desenvolvimento de software [...] Eu sugiro que estamos vendo uma ampla e profunda emergência de um terceiro modo de produção no ambiente digital conectado. Eu o chamo de “produção entre pares baseada no comum”, para distingui-lo dos modelos baseados na propriedade e nos contratos de empresas e mercados. Sua característica central é a de que grupos de indivíduos colaboram eficientemente em larga escala sobre projetos que seguem um conjunto diverso de motivações e signos sociais, em vez de seguir os preços do mercado ou comandos gerenciais. (BENKLER, 2006:212) 55

Um interessante artigo publicado na revista Liinc56 resume bem as diferenças entre

esses dois processos de produção: “Nas relações capitalistas, os agenciamentos acontecem em

torno do capital e visam à produção de valor de troca. Nas redes horizontais, os

agenciamentos se dão em torno de interesses coletivos que visam produzir outros valores. No

primeiro caso, o trabalho está em competição, e no segundo, está em colaboração e

generosidade. ”

Resultados de trabalhos cooperativos on-line – como é o caso do software livre – que

apresentam qualidades superiores aos obtidos de processos centralizados, hierárquicos,

economicamente motivados, comprovam o potencial do que circula em prol do laço social.

A cooperação produtiva entre estranhos e conhecidos facilitada pela estrutura técnica

da Internet ultrapassa as motivações clássicas do capitalismo, não está submetida à imposição

do Leviatã (BENKLER, 2011) ou às negociações do mercado. Está mais próxima do conceito

de dádiva, de Marcel Mauss.

Da mesma forma que a produção colaborativa, a dádiva busca a aliança e a criação

sem cair em interesses instrumentais. Ela visa a intersubjetividade e o vínculo social,

55 Tradução minha: “For decades our understanding of economic production has been that individuals order their productive activities in one of two ways: either as employees in firms, following the directions of managers, or as individuals in markets, following price signals. (...) In the past three or four years, public attention has focused on a fifteen-year-old social- economic phenomenon in the software development world. (...) I suggest that we are seeing is the broad and deep emergence of a new, third mode of production in the digitally networked environment. I call this mode ‘commons-based -peer-production," to distinguish it from the property- and contract-based models of firms and markets. Its central characteristic is that groups of individuals successfully collaborate on large-scale projects following a diverse cluster of motivational drives and social signals, rather than either market prices or managerial commands.”56 LIMA, Clóvis Ricardi Montenegro de; PIZARRO, Daniella; FAUSTINO, Elisangela; DITTRICH, Maireli. Trabalho imaterial, produção cultural colaborativa e economia da dádiva. Liinc em revista, v. 5, n. 2, setembro de 2009. Disponível em: <http://revista.ibict.br/liinc/index.php/liinc/article/viewFile/301/212>. Acesso em: 20 jun. 2013.

situando-se na esfera oposta à dos paradigmas economicista e utilitarista.

Conforme explica Godbout (1998, s/p), de modo negativo, entende-se por dádiva tudo

o que circula na sociedade que não está ligado nem ao mercado, nem ao Estado

(redistribuição), nem à violência física. De modo mais positivo, é o que circula em nome do

laço social.

Uma primeira característica de um sistema de dádiva consiste no fato de que os agentes sociais buscam se afastar da equivalência de modo deliberado. Isso não significa que a dádiva seja unilateral. Pode sê-lo, mas essa não é uma característica essencial sua. Geralmente, ao contrário, há retribuição, e muitas vezes maior do que a dádiva. Mas a retribuição não é o objetivo. É um equívoco aplicar a ela o modelo linear fins-meios e dizer: ele recebeu depois de ter dado, portanto deu para receber; o objetivo era receber, e a dádiva era um meio. A dádiva não funciona assim. Dá-se, recebe-se muitas vezes mais, mas a relação entre os dois é muito mais complexa e desmonta o modelo linear da racionalidade instrumental.57

Além disso, a confiança é um elemento importante na produção colaborativa. Assim

como na economia da dádiva (Mauss, 2001), a substituição dos interesses instrumentais é

viabilizada pela confiança direcionada a uma tríplice obrigação: dar, receber e retribuir. Nesse

sentido, não cabe aqui falar em ações que não geram expectativa de retorno (não é a “pura

solidariedade completamente desinteressada”), mas em ações em que há certa reciprocidade.

Esta, contudo, não necessariamente envolve equivalências entre os “presentes” ou entre as

pessoas, o que se espera é que uma corrente contínua e crescente de colaboração e

solidariedade se forme. Barbrook (2003, p.140) coloca nos seguintes termos: “Quando as

pessoas podem acessar o trabalho de toda uma comunidade em troca de seus próprios esforços

individuais, não há por que exigirem intercâmbio igual de mercadorias”.

Enquanto sites, ferramentas, softwares e plataformas on-line têm adotado rapidamente

o modo de produção P2P, suas implicações sociais e culturais tornaram-se um tópico de

acalorado debate acadêmico.

Otimistas como Anderson (2006), Benkler (2006) e Shirky (2010) afirmam que a

produção entre pares é em grande medida benéfica para a sociedade, promovendo inovação e

criatividade e ampliando o bem-estar social geral a partir de sua estrutura descentralizada, não

proprietária e aberta à participação.

57 Cf. <http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-69091998000300002&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt >. Acesso em 2 de abr. 2013.

http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext%CF%80d=S0102-69091998000300002&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt

http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext%CF%80d=S0102-69091998000300002&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt

Por outro lado, céticos como Keen (2008) argumentam que o excessivo acesso de

amadores à produção de conteúdo pode ser prejudicial a algumas indústrias profissionais

(Keen fala especificamente da indústria jornalística) e outros, como Kreiss, Finn e Turner

(2010), criticam a presunção de que a participação generalizada nos conduzirá a uma

sociedade mais democrática.

Independente da posição que se defenda, uma coisa é inegável: a produção entre pares

é uma prática cada vez mais recorrente na Internet, com cada vez mais adeptos e resultados

impressionantes.

Se as empresas fossem capazes de atingir os mesmos resultados a partir dos

tradicionais meios de produção econômica, quanto cobrariam por seu acesso? Se pensarmos

que, por exemplo, o custo atual de uma enciclopédia como a Britannica completa, com 65 mil

artigos, é de pouco mais de mil dólares, qual seria o preço de uma Wikipédia, enciclopédia

colaborativa e gratuita que já possui mais de 15 milhões de artigos em mais de 270 línguas,

caso fosse um produto privado e à venda?

Embora a arquitetura convencional de poder não dê conta de controlar redes

distribuídas, novas formas de exercê-lo surgem para o novo ecossistema em rede.

4.3 O poder protocolar

Os principais modelos sociológicos que estudam a relação entre poder e

comportamento humano são baseados em agenciamentos negativos ou positivos. Antes de

abordar os novos agenciamentos presentes no poder protocolar, é mister entender os conceitos

relativos às sociedades disciplinar e de controle.

Foucault é um dos primeiros teóricos a refletir sobre a passagem da sociedade das

soberanias à sociedade disciplinar. Da passagem do ‘decidir sobre a morte’ para o ‘gerir a

vida’.

O principal legado de sua obra consiste nos conceitos de biopoder e biopolítica, a

partir de sua pesquisa sobre os sistemas de prisão modernos. Ao contrário da concepção

clássica do poder do Leviatã, que age pela força e pune os desviantes, o filósofo francês

chamou atenção para um outro tipo de poder, exercido por meio de positividades.

Segundo ele, não existe algo unitário chamado poder, mas unicamente formas

díspares, heterogêneas, em constante transformação. A ideia básica de Foucault é a de mostrar

que as relações de poder não se passam fundamentalmente nem ao nível do direito, nem da

violência; nem são basicamente contratuais, nem unicamente repressivas.

Como ele observa em seu clássico livro Vigiar e punir, “é preciso parar de sempre

descrever os efeitos do poder em termos negativos: ‘ele exclui, ele ‘reprime’, ele ‘recalca’, ele

‘censura’, ele ‘abstrai’, ele ‘mascara’, ele ‘esconde’. De fato, o poder produz; ele produz real;

produz domínios de objetos e rituais de verdade” (FOUCAULT, 1986, p.XVI). O poder possui

uma eficácia produtiva, uma riqueza estratégica, uma positividade. Ele se manifesta por meio

de dispositivos de produção de discursos capilarizados e dispersos com a intenção de

“administrar e produzir a vida”.

Se Foucault foi o principal teórico da sociedade disciplinar, Deleuze e Guattari podem

ser considerados os da sociedade de controle. Nela, a questão não é mais a economia do

tempo e das ações para adestrar o corpo e torná-lo dócil e apto ao sistema produtivo, mas o

controle virtual do indivíduo e da população por uma espécie de modulação universal e

constante capaz de atravessar e regular as malhas do tecido social. A questão é extrair (para

controlar) das grandes massas (de gente, de informação, etc.) os padrões. Rastrear, cartografar,

analisar dados a partir de amostras. A vigilância deixa de ser física e passa a ser virtual.

Não há necessidade de ficção científica para se conceber um mecanismo de controle que dê, a cada instante, a posição de um elemento em espaço aberto, animal numa reserva, homem numa empresa (coleira eletrônica). Felix Guattari imaginou uma cidade onde cada um pudesse deixar seu apartamento, sua rua, seu bairro, graças a um cartão eletrônico (dividual) que abriria as barreiras; mas o cartão poderia também ser recusado em tal dia, ou entre tal e tal hora; o que conta não é a barreira, mas o computador que detecta a posição de cada um, lícita ou ilícita, e opera uma modulação universal. O estudo sociotécnico dos mecanismos de controle, apreendidos em sua aurora, deveria ser categorial e descrever o que já está em vias de ser implantado no lugar dos meios de confinamento disciplinares, cuja crise todo mundo anuncia. (DELEUZE, 1992, p.110)

Contudo, essas reflexões não dão conta totalmente de inovações recentes, como a

emergência dos processos P2P. Estes processos inauguram uma nova forma de poder,

identificado e analisado por Alexander Galloway, chamado poder protocolar. Segundo ele,

Protocolo não é uma palavra nova. Antes de sua utilização na computação, o protocolo referia-se a qualquer tipo de comportamento correto ou adequado

dentro de um sistema específico de convenções. É um conceito importante na área de etiqueta social, bem como nas áreas de diplomacia e relações internacionais. (...) Contudo, com o advento da computação digital, o termo assumiu um significado ligeiramente diferente. Agora, protocolos referem-se especificamente aos padrões que regem a aplicação de tecnologias específicas. Como seus predecessores diplomáticos, protocolos informáticos estabelecem os pontos essenciais necessários para adotar uma norma consensual de ação. Como seus predecessores diplomáticos, protocolos de computador são examinados por partes negociadoras e depois concretizados no mundo real por grandes quantidades de participantes (em um caso, os cidadãos, no outro, os usuários de computador). Contudo, em vez de governar práticas sociais ou políticas como fizeram seus antecessores diplomáticos, protocolos de computador determinam como tecnologias específicas são acordadas, adotadas, implementadas e, finalmente, utilizadas por pessoas ao redor do mundo. O que antes era uma questão de consideração e sentido é agora uma questão de lógica e física. (GALLOWAY, 2004, p.7)

Quando a tecnologia computacional integra-se a todas as esferas da nossa vida, das

amizades aos cartões de crédito, o modo como os softwares são desenhados interfere

diretamente em nossas ações, delimitando o que é possível ou não de ser feito.

Neste cenário, os hackers assumem um papel político fundamental. Primeiro pelo fato

dos protocolos lhes serem mais do que familiares, segundo porque eles não ignoram os

protocolos, mas se valem destes para resistir, ludibriar e hipertrofiar o controle (Galloway,

2004).

Como Feenberg (2003) explica, as questões técnicas e tecnológicas não são

determinantes, mas delimitadoras.

[...] os valores incorporados na tecnologia são socialmente específicos e não são representados adequadamente por tais abstrações como a eficiência ou o controle. A tecnologia não molda só um modo de vida, mas muitos possíveis estilos diferentes de vida, cada um dos quais reflete as escolhas diferentes de objetivos e extensões diferentes da mediação tecnológica [...] As molduras são os limites e contêm o que está por dentro. Semelhantemente, a eficiência “molda” todas as possibilidades da tecnologia, mas não determina os valores percebidos dentro daquela moldura (FEENBERG, 2003, p.9).

Nos sistemas P2P, as regras formais que regem os sistemas burocráticos são

substituídas pelos critérios de concepção dos novos meios de produção. Sistemas P2P estão

submetidos a esta nova forma de poder, que incorpora valores sociais às arquiteturas dos

sistemas técnicos, encorajando/permitindo ou desencorajando/proibindo determinados usos,

tornando-se um fator crucial nos tipos de relações sociais que são possíveis. Importantes

questões dependem de protocolos que desconhecemos, como, por exemplo, se os algoritmos

que determinam os resultados de uma busca objetiva na Internet são manipulados por razões

comerciais ou ideológicas. Os usuários precisam começar a aprender a ver esses protocolos

que passam despercebidos, naturalizados.

Galloway sugere que façamos um diagrama das redes de que participamos, com

pontos e linhas, nós e arestas. Importantes questões tornam-se então: quem decide quem pode

participar, ou melhor, quais são as regras implícitas que regem a participação (já que não há

comando específico em um ambiente distribuído)?. Que tipo de conexões são possíveis? No

exemplo da Internet, Galloway mostra como a rede tem um protocolo ponto a ponto na forma

de TCP/IP, mas ao mesmo tempo o DNS (Domain Name System) é hierárquico. Há um

equilíbrio delicado entre autonomia e controle na arquitetura da rede.

Esta é a forma como o poder deve ser analisado. Esse poder não é em si negativo, uma

vez que o protocolo é necessário para permitir a participação. Mas o protocolo também pode

ser centralizado, proprietário, secreto, nesse caso, subvertendo processos entre pares, razão

pelo qual conhecê-lo também significa verificar suas condições de existência.

As disputas para radicalizar o protocolo são expressas pela ética hacker e sua via de

abertura e transparência, assim como pelas redes de troca P2P que encaram os conflitos

relativos ao controle da propriedade intelectual sobre os bens trocados.

A pergunta-chave é: os elementos centralizados e hierárquicos do protocolo estimulam

ou desestimulam a participação? Bauwens (2005) explica que, apesar de não estar totalmente

na mão de seus participantes, a Internet é controlada de forma distribuída e exterior à

hegemonia completa de determinados agentes privados ou públicos. Seus componentes

hierárquicos não restringem a participação, sendo ela uma rede concebida especificamente

para a participação a partir das bordas sem recorrer aos centros (hubs). Em redes P2P

verdadeiras, o papel da hierarquia é permitir o surgimento espontâneo de “autonomia em

cooperação”.

Isso se deve ao fato de que, em iniciativas P2P, a colaboração é inteiramente voluntária

e baseia-se no consentimento da comunidade. Se a hierarquia torna-se totalitária, acaba por

constranger a cooperação e a autonomia, ao invés de desenvolvê-la. A construção dos

commons (bens comuns) a partir da capacidade de cada um, dando a todos livre acesso ao

valor de uso resultante, é a principal motivação para a participação em processos P2P.

O software livre, produto do ideário hacker, é o principal modelo, mas hoje despontam

outras iniciativas que merecem avaliação e atestam a lógica da produção entre pares. No

estudo de caso com uma experiência de consumo colaborativo, o CouchSurfing, pude avaliar

o funcionamento da estrutura P2P e as motivações relativas à participação dos usuários, com o

objetivo de atestar a influência que valores intrínsecos à lógica colaborativa dos hackers,

essencial para a constituição da web, exerciam nesta rede.

4.4 Estudo de caso: CouchSurfing

Selecionei uma das redes disponíveis de consumo colaborativo (o CouchSurfing) para

avaliar sua estrutura e a motivação dos usuários em participar. A escolha pelo CouchSurfing

não foi ao acaso. Queria pesquisar uma rede colaborativa que 1) fosse ao mesmo tempo

global, como as redes na internet costumam ser, e local, permitindo uma observação

participante, e 2) trouxesse em seu conceito não apenas a ideia do escambo de mercadorias,

mas a ambição de construir um verdadeiro estilo de vida colaborativo.

Em um mapeamento inicial de redes de consumo colaborativo, verifiquei que são

poucos os representantes desse movimento no Brasil58, e que os que existem são tão recentes

que ainda não permitem um estudo efetivo. Ao conhecer o CouchSurfing, “uma rede de

voluntários em todo o mundo que conecta viajantes com os membros das comunidades

locais, que oferecem alojamento gratuito e/ou aconselhamento”,59 e sua missão (que detalharei

mais adiante), tive a certeza de que seria um excelente objeto, visto que apresenta as duas

características ressaltadas.

Neste estudo de caso, busquei investigar a rede de interação formada por meio do site

Couchsurfing.org no município do Rio de Janeiro, na tentativa de compreender como são

construídas as relações de confiança necessárias para que as experiências colaborativas nesta

comunidade ocorram.

4.4.1 Consumo colaborativo

58 Tomei conhecimento de três sites de consumo colaborativo: <http://www.ptodecontato.com.br/>. <http://www.descolaai.com/>. e <http://www.enjoei.com.br/>.59 Cf. <http://www.couchsurfing.org/about.html/vision>. Acesso em 28 dez. 2011.

Entre as novas dinâmicas sociais contemporâneas da produção comum entre pares, o

consumo colaborativo é ainda um tópico emergente, com poucas referências e estudos. Uma

das principais obras a este respeito e a qual se costuma recorrer, para além da observação

empírica e dos estudos de caso, é o livro What's Mine is Yours – The Rise of Collaborative

Consumption60, dos americanos Rachel Botsman e Roo Rogers.

Eles explicam que este movimento, que teve início nos EUA e vem ganhando adeptos

pelo mundo afora, tem como foco as trocas e o compartilhamento de mercadorias e serviços

turbinados pela lógica da conexão das redes online, em que tempo e espaço são

completamente encurtados.

Neste novo cenário, é possível vislumbrar soluções para os problemas da falta de

harmonia entre oferta e demanda a partir de um processo comunicativo mais eficiente,

potencializando assim os usos dos produtos e das atividades humanas e tornando a interação

cada vez mais direta (não monetizada). Por exemplo, tenho uma estante carregada de livros,

muitos dos quais eu já li e não pretendo reler tão cedo. Pode ser que eu tenha vizinhos

interessados na leitura destes livros e que, ao mesmo tempo, disponham de obras que me

interessam, mas como saber? Com tecnologias que permitam a qualquer pessoa encontrar

locais, produtos e serviços disponíveis e compartilháveis ao redor do mundo.

O mesmo se aplica a trocas de ativos não materiais, como tempo, habilidades,

conhecimento. O CouchSurfing é um excelente exemplo: eu hospedo alguém na minha casa,

disponho do meu tempo e do meu conhecimento para acompanhar um viajante pela minha

cidade e tenho a expectativa de que alguém da rede fará o mesmo por mim ou por outros.

Mas como saber se as trocas não serão de mão única e o espírito de compartilhamento

de algumas pessoas não será apropriado para o benefício de outras nem tão colaborativas

assim?61 Aí entra o outro aspecto das práticas colaborativas citado anteriormente: a confiança

na reciprocidade. Além da conexão de propósitos (e de pessoas com esses propósitos, já que a

interação não fica apenas no online), é necessária, e de forma essencial, a criação e o

fortalecimento de uma comunidade significativamente coesa, de modo a desencorajar a

participação de membros cujos propósitos não se coadunam com os do restante do grupo.

Ativos imateriais como reputação, empatia, solidariedade, informação, criatividade,

60 Traduzido para o português sob o título “O que é meu é seu – Como o consumo colaborativo vai mudar o nosso mundo”.

61 Conhecidos em sistemas colaborativos como free riders, são indivíduos que “pegam carona”, têm vantagens e benefícios maiores do que merecem. Se muitos decidem ser free riders, não haverá benefícios gerais para a comunidade.

transparência e colaboração são essenciais para a formação dessas comunidades. O que se

busca nelas não se limita a incentivos econômicos (como economizar na compra de

determinado bem), pelo contrário, estes tendem a ser bem menos valorizados. Por trás da ideia

de potencializar o uso dos nossos objetos “encalhados” não está somente a vontade de

economizar dinheiro com os objetos que se pode conseguir em troca, mas o interesse em uma

sociedade mais sustentável a partir do melhor aproveitamento dos nossos recursos. Por trás da

ideia de abrir minha casa para um viajante “desconhecido” não está simplesmente o desejo de

economizar em uma futura hospedagem, mas o interesse em conhecer diferentes culturas,

trocar experiências, criar amizades ao redor do mundo.

Demonstrarei melhor, com base na análise do sistema CouchSurfing, dos resultados da

pesquisa aplicada aos seus usuários e da observação participante com o grupo de couchsurfers

do Rio de Janeiro, algumas formas de construção das relações de confiança, reputação e

reciprocidade nestas redes colaborativas.

4.4.2 Couchsurfing.org: o projeto

Se a reciprocidade e a confiança são ativos fundamentais para redes colaborativas em

geral, o que esperar de uma comunidade que se forma com o objetivo de hospedar em nossas

casas, de forma gratuita, viajantes dos quais não temos experiências prévias fora do ambiente

da própria rede?

Estabelecido em 2004, o CouchSurfing (CS) é uma rede de hospedagem colaborativa

que conta com milhões de usuários (couchsurfers) em mais de 250 países. Segundo a página

do projeto, o CouchSurfing vislumbra:

um mundo onde todos possam explorar e criar conexões significativas com pessoas e lugares que conhecem. A construção de conexões significativas entre culturas nos torna mais suscetíveis à diversidade, com satisfação, curiosidade e respeito. A valorização da diversidade propaga tolerância e cria uma comunidade global.62

Como uma organização sem fins lucrativos, sua missão é “conectar internacionalmente

pessoas e lugares, criar intercâmbios educacionais, aumentar a consciência coletiva,

62 CouchSurfing – Visão. Disponível em: <http://www.couchsurfing.org/about.html/vision>. Acesso em: 28 dez. 2012.

disseminar a tolerância e facilitar a compreensão cultural”.63

Estatísticas Gerais64

‘CouchSurfers’ 3.629.660

Successful Surfings (approx) 4.022.355

Friendships Created (approx) 3.966.245

Positive Experiences (approx) 6.432.533

Unique Countries/Territories Represented 250

Estados/Províncias Únicas Representadas 3.083

Cidades Únicas Representadas 84.512

Idiomas Únicos Representados 364

Quadro 1 – Estatísticas Gerais do CouchSurfing. Fonte: site CS

O que se compartilha neste projeto de consumo colaborativo não são meros bens

físicos, mas um verdadeiro estilo de vida. Os encontros de pessoas com interesses

semelhantes, proporcionados pela rede de participantes, servem ao compartilhamento de

ativos como tempo, espaço, habilidades e conhecimentos.

Apesar da ação de compartilhar esses ativos ser rotineira nas nossas relações sociais de

longo prazo, construídas a partir de interações a que somos submetidos, muitas vezes, desde o

nascimento (com a nossa família, por exemplo) e nas quais já existe um alto grau de

confiança, ela já não é tão comum assim em relações de curto prazo, em que o conhecimento

que as partes têm uma da outra é bem menor, diminuindo a previsibilidade em relação à ação

do outro e, consequentemente, aumentando o risco. O que explica, então, a quantidade de

experiências de hospedagem bem-sucedidas no CS? De que forma a interação nesta rede

virtual constrói uma relação de confiança forte a ponto de um membro compartilhar com

outro sua própria casa, seu tempo e seus saberes?

Segundo a descrição do site do projeto, “como uma comunidade bastante coesa, os

couchsurfers ajudam a proteger a si próprios e uns aos outros. Com o CouchSurfing, você tem

muito mais informações de pessoas novas do que na maioria das circunstâncias. Pense em

63 CouchSurfing – Missão. Disponível em: <http://www.couchsurfing.org/about.html/mission#>. Acesso em 28 dez. 2012.64 As estatísticas estão disponíveis apenas para membros da comunidade, ou seja, é preciso estar logado para acessá-las. Disponível em: <http://www.couchsurfing.org/statistics.html>. Acesso em: 28 dez. 2012.

quando você conhece alguém em um albergue ou em um trem. Que informações você tem?

Apenas suas próprias primeiras impressões. Através do CouchSurfing, é mais como encontrar

um amigo de um amigo. Você tem a chance de ler tudo sobre as experiências dos outros

membros com essa pessoa, sejam elas positivas ou negativas. Você tem um perfil completo de

informações sobre seus interesses e perspectivas. Você pode ver quem são seus amigos e

como eles os conhecem. E você tem a capacidade de se corresponder com eles tanto

quanto você deseja antes de conhecê-los”.65

A relação de confiança entre os anfitriões e os hóspedes desta rede é baseada no

compartilhamento de informações a respeito de determinado membro, criando um sistema de

reputação que permite aos participantes julgar o grau de confiança que podem depositar uns

nos outros e que, ao mesmo tempo, incentiva as interações positivas e honestas, já que isto

fará parte do histórico do couchsurfer. Este sistema de reputação envolve três elementos

principais: verificação física, referências pessoais e atestados.66

O usuário que acaba de entrar na rede do CS precisa, primeiramente, completar o seu

perfil, dando as primeiras referências a seu respeito, como seus interesses, gostos musicais,

filosofia de vida, opinião sobre o projeto, tipos de pessoas de que gosta, lugares que já visitou

e que pretende visitar, etc.

O membro recém-chegado também pode optar por participar do sistema de verificação

física, pagando uma pequena taxa para que a organização do CS cheque se o nome e o

endereço fornecidos são verdadeiros. Essa checagem é feita por meio de um postal, enviado

ao endereço fornecido pelo couchsurfer. Este postal possui um código de verificação que deve

ser preenchido no site. Apesar de opcional, este sistema é mais uma fonte de confiança entre

os membros do projeto.

Passadas estas etapas, o couchsurfer precisa estabelecer conexões com pessoas da

rede. A primeira forma de fazer isso é buscando amigos formados fora do CS, que, em um

primeiro momento, serão os únicos capazes de dar mais referências sobre você, a partir de

uma avaliação (positiva, neutra ou negativa) que pode ser feita no momento do pedido e do

aceite de amizade.

A segunda forma é se integrando a uma comunidade local e conhecendo outros

couchsurfers nos encontros promovidos por ela, o que servirá como uma verificação física

adicional e, ao mesmo tempo, trará mais conexões e mais referências sobre o novo membro.

65 Cf. <http://www.couchsurfing.org/about.html/faq>. Acesso em: 28 dez. 2012.66 Vouching, em inglês.

Nestas comunidades, em geral, existem pessoas que recebem designações comunitárias da

organização do projeto, chamadas “embaixadores”. Segundo o CS, os

“embaixadores são CouchSurfers ativos e simpatizantes da nossa comunidade. Como a nossa

sociedade cresce em todo o mundo, os embaixadores ajudam a manter o CouchSurfing

pessoal e coeso”. O trabalho dos embaixadores inclui organizar encontros de grupos locais,

receber novos couchsurfers nestes encontros, tirar dúvidas de outros membros, dividir dicas

de viagem e participar ativamente da rede, hospedando e sendo hospedado pelos outros

membros.

Por fim, os atestados completam o sistema de reputação criado no CS. No site do

projeto é possível obter informações sobre este elemento. “Atestar é uma maneira dos

membros declararem a sua confiança a outros membros. É sempre importante ter cautela

quando surfa ou recebe e o sistema de atestados está desenhado para ajudar a fomentar e

promover uma rede segura”.67 Em geral, pessoas mais envolvidas com a comunidade local e

mais abertas a hospedar/ser hospedadas têm mais chances de obter um atestado. Segundo as

regras de uso deste elemento, só membros que já foram atestados mais de três vezes podem

atestar outros. Além disso, só se deve “atestar membros conhecidos pessoalmente e nos quais

se confia o suficiente para dizer que ele ou ela são de confiança”.

4.4.3 Análise do grupo de couchsurfers do Rio de Janeiro

Após compreender o funcionamento do CouchSurfing, era necessário checar se os

seus membros partilhavam a missão da organização (ou se ela se resumia a uma carta de boas

intenções) e se laços de confiança eram efetivamente formados entre membros que se

conheciam por meio do projeto e não apenas fora dele. Para isso, inscrevi-me e comecei a

atuar ativamente no projeto desde 1º de dezembro de 2011, buscando uma observação

participante a partir da presença em encontros semanais do grupo. Em seguida, analisei

respostas de um questionário (Apêndices I e II) aplicado a membros do grupo do Rio de

Janeiro.

Com cerca de 10.000 membros, o grupo de couchsurfers no Rio de Janeiro68 reúne

pessoas que moram na cidade ou têm interesse em visitá-la (ou já o fizeram) e é o terceiro

mais ativo de todo o projeto CS.

67 Cf,: <http://www.couchsurfing.org/vouch.html>.68 Cf.: <http://www.couchsurfing.org/group.html?gid=1234>.

Para coletar as respostas, criei um tópico no grupo em que pude me apresentar,

explicar o objetivo da pesquisa e pedir a participação dos couchsurfers da cidade. Com o

apoio de embaixadores do grupo (que podem mandar mensagens individuais a cada

couchsurfer do grupo de uma só vez), obtive um total de 304 respostas.69

O questionário foi construído de modo a permitir traçar um breve perfil do

respondente (sexo, faixa etária e escolaridade), verificar suas motivações para participar do

projeto e as relações entre confiança, reputação e reciprocidade na interação entre os

couchsurfers.

A minha escolha por limitar as respostas foi consciente. Dar opções de múltipla

escolha facilita a coleta de dados (pela agilidade com que o respondente preenche todo o

questionário) e evita a necessidade de descartar respostas (por serem evasivas, sem ligação

com a pergunta, etc.). Por outro lado, sem dúvida direciona os resultados, já que eles não

podem ir além do que está previsto. Na tentativa de minimizar este problema, procurei

combinar a análise dos resultados do questionário com a minha experiência participante nos

encontros, onde pude conversar pessoalmente com outros couchsurfers e saber suas opiniões

sobre o projeto, ouvir relatos das experiências de hospedagens feitas via CS e as estratégias de

segurança utilizadas por eles.

Como não poderia deixar de ser, a maior parte das pessoas que responderam o

questionário é ativa no grupo local. Apenas 25,7% dos entrevistados disseram nunca ter

participado de um encontro da comunidade de couchsurfers no Rio de Janeiro (ver gráfico 5).

69 A contagem, para este trabalho, foi finalizada em 14/06/12.

Gráfico 5 – Participação nos encontros da comunidade do Rio de Janeiro

Perguntados a respeito da motivação para participar do CS, os couchsurfers não

decepcionaram a organização do projeto. Se a missão é promover intercâmbio cultural, é isso

que a maioria dos entrevistados efetivamente demonstrou buscar. Seguindo exemplos de

outras dinâmicas colaborativas, nas quais os incentivos imateriais ganham força em relação

aos materiais, os membros do CS apontaram como primeiro lugar na escala de motivações

“trocar experiências com pessoas diferentes” e, em seguida, “conhecer nova culturas”. Em

último lugar, apareceu a motivação de “economizar com hospedagem” (ver gráfico 6).

Gráfico 6 – Motivação para participar do CouchSurfing

Para a pergunta sobre o que mais pesava na análise de confiança para aceitar hospedar

outro couchsurfer, na média de respostas, o “número de referências positivas” apareceu em

primeiro lugar, seguido de “descrições dadas pelo couchsurfer em seu perfil” e “número de

referências negativas” (ver gráfico 7). Apesar dos sistemas de verificação e atestado

disponibilizados pela organização do projeto, ainda assim o histórico das interações do

couchsurfer é tido como mais relevante para avaliar sua confiabilidade.

Gráfico 7 – Fatores considerados para hospedar alguém

Deste modo, as avaliações (positivas, neutras e negativas) são extremamente

importantes para manter a comunidade segura, e a prática de fazê-las é rotineira, como é

possível observar nos gráficos 8 e 9 na página seguinte.

Gráfico 8 – Avaliações negativas de um couchsurfer

Gráfico 9 – Avaliações positivas de um couchsurfer

A resposta sobre como os couchsurfers buscavam sofás para se hospedar demonstrou

que a rede colaborativa realmente funciona para além da confiança estabelecida em interações

de longo prazo. Assim, 80% afirmaram buscar anfitriões livremente, enquanto apenas 25%

marcaram a opção de “enviar pedidos de hospedagem diretamente a membros que conhece

pessoalmente” e 17% a opção de “usar o filtro ‘amigos dos meus amigos’” (ver gráfico 10).

Gráfico 10 – Formas de busca por um “sofá”

Apesar de ser um grupo extremamente restrito, os usuários que podem atestar

afirmaram, em sua grande maioria, que já atestaram pessoas conhecidas através do

CouchSurfing, corroborando a avaliação anterior de que a confiança não se restringe apenas

aos membros cujas relações já existiam fora da rede (ver gráfico 11).

Gráfico 11 – Atestar um couchsurfer

Também foi possível notar que os membros ativos da comunidade do Rio de Janeiro

participam mais disponibilizando hospedagem do que sendo hospedados – 28,6% afirmaram

que já haviam hospedado 10 ou mais couchsurfers enquanto que 37,1% disseram nunca ter

sido hospedados em residências de couchsurfers e outros 37,1% disseram já ter sido

hospedados de 2 a 5 vezes (gráficos 12 e 13).

Gráfico 12 – Número de couchsurfers já hospedados

Gráfico 13 – Número de vezes em que já se hospedou

5 CONSIDERAÇÕES FINAIS: NOVAS PERSPECTIVAS PARA A

MORAL CONTEMPORÂNEA

Nos últimos anos, observamos a expansão do movimento de software livre, dos

projetos baseados na lógica P2P e das lutas em prol de mais transparência, acesso à

informação, anonimato e liberdade na rede. Esse caldo cultural efervescente ligado

diretamente aos valores hackers fica cada vez mais perceptível conforme se disseminam

iniciativas como a comunidade Transparência Hacker e o Couchsurfing, ambos objetos de

análise neste trabalho.

Verificar de que forma a ética dos primeiros hackers se expressa, direta ou

indiretamente, nestes projetos significa investigar o impacto de um movimento que era antes

limitado a um campo mais técnico e tornou-se global, pautando ações e discursos cotidianos,

alterando modelos instituídos de subjetividade. Foi isso que busquei apresentar, sem qualquer

pretensão de esgotar as possibilidades abertas por esta hipótese.

Para isso, apresentei no segundo capítulo a figura do hacker e as principais pesquisas

relacionadas ao tema. Como fenômeno social, os hackers chamaram a atenção do meio

acadêmico e jornalístico desde muito cedo. Levy e outros autores (Hafner e Markoff, Sterling,

Thomas) que se dedicaram a conhecer os hackers das primeiras gerações descrevem lendários

jovens das universidades americanas mais prestigiosas que programavam durante dias e

noites, muitas delas sem dormir, gerando produtos surpreendentes que nem sempre

agradavam seus colegas acadêmicos. O "hack puro" não respeita os métodos convencionais

ou é guiado por teorias, receitas de programação impostas de cima para baixo. Hackear é

encontrar uma forma de resolver um problema com a mão na massa, muitas vezes na base da

tentativa e erro. Neste processo, os hackers acabam produzindo formas particulares de

comportamento social que incluem ajuda mútua, transparência e códigos complexos de

colaboração, juntamente com outros preceitos que ajudam a orientar a produção técnica.

É então no processo de desenvolvimento das primeiras tecnologias computacionais

que surge uma ideologia própria dos primeiros hackers. Uma ética cujos valores envolvem

compromisso com o acesso total e livre a computadores e informações, crença de que

computadores podem melhorar a vida das pessoas, paixão pela atividade quase “artesanal”

que realizam, desconfiança na autoridade centralizada, desdém quanto aos obstáculos

erigidos contra o livre compartilhamento e uma insistência em avaliar os pares por suas

realizações e seu virtuosismo técnico.

Essa ética foi construída não apenas a partir do modus operandi dos primeiros hackers,

mas também na disputa discursiva de como eles se colocavam publicamente. Conforme

apontam a pesquisadora Gabriela Coleman, da Universidade de Chicago, e Benjamin Hill,

desenvolvedor do projeto Debian:

“Enquanto os hackers do software livre e de código aberto são mais facilmente associados a algum projeto, como por exemplo o Debian, eles também participam de uma 'hackersfera' que serve para substanciar a liberdade como conceito de relevância moral superior a questões técnicas. Esta esfera pública ocorre através de uma variedade de canais on-line e off-line que proveem, com consistência, um espaço de argumentação e discussão racional acerca de uma gama de assuntos de natureza política e jurídica. Este espaço abriga com frequência discussões levantadas por novos artigos, casos judiciais, editoriais e comentários produzidos na comunidade. A origem dessa nascente esfera pública pode ser rastreada ao início dos anos 80 (nos sistemas de boletins eletrônicos – BBS), ao cenário das conferências de hackers, grupos da Usenet, e listas eletrônicas de discussão (...) Nesses fóruns, discussões sobre censura, política, tecnologia, propriedade intelectual e mídia contribuíram para marcar certas tendências como importantes para os hackers, e para trazer certas preocupações sociais ao mundo deles.” (COLEMAN, HILL, 2005: 276)

Desse modo, estes códigos de conduta deixaram os limites dos laboratórios

universitários e contribuíram, em grande parte, para a forma como a Internet e suas disputas

foram desenhadas, além de alterarem fundamentalmente as políticas de acesso e propriedade

intelectual. O software livre e suas licenças que permitem que a produção coletiva permaneça

aberta surgem como uma força capaz de desestabilizar a lógica privatista das ideias. Formas

de sociabilidade antes tratadas como mutuamente excludentes, tais como utilitarismo e talento

artístico, altruísmo e interesse próprio, organização e desorganização e, especialmente,

individualismo e cooperação social convivem na complexa dinâmica social dos hackers.A

modernidade, centrada no indivíduo, passa a ser capaz de centrar-se no indivíduo ao mesmo

tempo que olha para a comunidade a sua volta.

Nas palavras de Coleman, o mais interessante destes grupos é “que seus colaboradores

fazem tecnologia, ao mesmo tempo que experimentam a construção de uma comunidade

social; é lá onde se pratica o trabalho duro da liberdade” (COLEMAN, 2012, p. 210) .

Nos capítulos três e quatro, dois projetos são apresentados para corroborar esta

afirmação. Ambos não são projetos exclusivamente com fins técnicos, como a maioria das

comunidades estudadas quando o assunto é hacking, a exemplo de comunidades de

linguagens de programação ou desenvolvimento de software livre.

Primeiro a Transparência Hacker, comunidade que tem como mote a ideia do uso de

tecnologias (e neste caso não necessariamente computacionais) para hackear a política, no

sentido de subvertê-la e aproximá-la do cidadão comum, torná-la aberta e inteligível. Como

ficou demonstrado, as trocas de mensagens se relacionam principalmente aos temas dos dados

abertos e da transparência governamental. Ao conhecer a forma como a política institucional é

feita e operacionalizada, os integrantes da comunidade conseguem pensar novas formas de

apropriar-se dela para um melhor proveito coletivo. Abrir a caixa preta da política. É o

hacking em sentido amplo, o hacker da definição 7 do Jargon File, o curioso afeito a superar

limitações não restritas a uma atividade exclusivamente técnica.

Apesar de não ser uma comunidade hacker no sentido estrito da produção técnica, ela

nasce com pessoas que já conheciam e acompanhavam o movimento hacker pelo mundo. Por

isso, a influência neste caso foi direta e serviu como diretriz para o próprio funcionamento da

comunidade, desde o compartilhamento de ideias e projetos, o apoio a abertura e ao uso de

licenças livres, até a distribuição da liderança. Fica claro em algumas das mensagens

compartilhadas neste trabalho e a partir da observação participante que realizei que a ética

hacker é compartilhada na comunidade, tanto no agir quanto no discurso que seus membros

fazem circular dentro e fora do grupo.

A força da comunidade está na sua capacidade de arregimentar colaboradores de

diferentes perfis, o que só ocorre graças à sua estrutura menos institucionalizada, de

hierarquias flexíveis, abertura aos fluxos e à criação coletiva e postura não gananciosa, uma

forma de governança completamente distinta da lógica contratual de organização. Da mesma

forma, cada vez mais empresas hoje em dia apostam nestes valores para suas operações

comerciais e, eventualmente, para buscar novos funcionários para integrarem seus quadros,

um novo momento em que a “horizontalidade” ganha força nas relações costumeiramente

verticais. Cria-se uma interseção entre movimentos que em si carregam alternativas à lógica

capitalista clássica (por seus interesse em manter os commons) e o próprio capitalismo se

reorganizando. As referências são novas e estão em disputa. Nesse sentido, é preciso

investigar a fundo as estruturas destes novos grupos para avaliar como cultura e poder se

conectam nelas.

No estudo sobre a comunidade Couchsurfing no Rio de Janeiro, pude demonstrar

como o consumo colaborativo desponta como uma interessante possibilidade guiada pela

lógica de compartilhamento, a mesma que determina que os códigos que circulam entre os

hackers sejam mantidos abertos. Por meio da união de propósitos e da segurança dada por

uma comunidade coesa de participantes em rede, elementos que busquei verificar se

realmente estavam presentes na comunidade de couchsurfers do Rio de Janeiro, vamos, aos

poucos, alterando a cultura que estimula o “ter”, a necessidade da propriedade privada

individual. Nesse sentido, este tipo de iniciativa carrega em si certa forma de “hackeamento

do capitalismo”, um misto de trocas capitalistas e não capitalistas no ciberespaço, como

argumenta Barbrook (2009). As trocas realizadas por seus participantes não são coordenadas

nem por mecanismos de preço/mercado, nem organizadas hierarquicamente como em

empresas. É o que chamamos de governança no modelo bazar (aberto), que se contrapõe ao

modelo catedral (centralizado).

Esse tipo de interação, ainda incipiente, gera uma mudança que é cultural. Passamos

de uma cultura em que individualismo e consumismo são reverenciados para uma outra em

que comunidade e compartilhamento ganham terreno. Sinalizamos a passagem da nossa atual

economia baseada em um sistema de interesse próprio para uma economia de trocas baseada

em motivações não materiais de uma coletividade.

Os dois objetos estudados demonstram que vem ganhando espaço um vasto

mecanismo cooperativo através do qual pessoas fisicamente distantes compartilham

informação, colaboram na realização de projetos ou decidem coletivamente sobre assuntos

públicos ou privados. Se tivermos em mente a velha relação entre poder e conhecimento, não

será difícil compreender a potência deste processo, com todas as contradições intrínsecas a

ele.

Tanto quem participa da Thacker quanto da comunidade couchsurfing não visa a uma

recompensa direta ou busca retribuição de um membro específico do grupo, embora estar

nesses projetos possa trazer vantagens pessoais. Considerando esta dimensão moral, ela se

reflete (e é também um reflexo) nas concepções políticas de grupos ativistas (como

Anonymous e Lulz Sec), que muitas vezes buscam uma ordem social não dominada pelos

incentivos da propriedade privada.

Posse e propriedade são elementos essenciais da moral. Para proteger a moral

dominante, o sistema legal criou regulações que possibilitam a exclusividade de bens não-

rivais, a chamada propriedade intelectual. O que o movimento pelo software livre faz é

romper com esse paradigma moral (e cria também um sistema legal para isso) em prol da livre

circulação da criação humana. Não é só uma questão de avanço tecnológico e

desmaterialização da informação (caso contrário, os softwares proprietários não existiriam),

mas da defesa de uma ética que nasceu junto com os sistemas de computação e pela qual

hackers como Stallman e Linus Torvald dedicaram seus esforços.

A motivação para contribuir de forma gratuita e não-obrigatória – que teve Stallman,

Torvald, assim como os membros da Thacker e do Couchsurfing – é mais um elemento desta

nova moral. Ela agrega também a ludicidade de participar deste tipo de projeto. Assim como

os jovens hackers que passavam madrugadas aguardando um horário vagar nos laboratórios

do MIT para terem o prazer de “brincar” nas máquinas, as viagens no ônibus hacker e os

encontros do couchsurfing no Rio são sempre animados. A produtividade passa a estar

atrelada à paixão e o prazer pela atividade, e não ao dever. Nesse sentido, a construção social

dos sentimentos assume um importante papel.

Paixão e liberdade ergueram a Internet que conhecemos hoje, que não cedeu à

apropriação privada de suas principais características graças a influência dos hackers em seus

processos. A cultura hacker também está na vanguarda dos movimentos críticos ao bloqueio

do fluxo de conhecimento tecnológico e em favor de novos direitos para expandir a

democracia na sociedade da informação. Ou seja, é peça-chave da cidadania no terreno

movediço do ciberespaço, onde caixas pretas são veladas e desveladas o tempo todo.

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APÊNDICE A – HACKERS NA MÍDIA, FOLHA DE S.

PAULO

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APÊNDICE B – QUESTIONÁRIO EM PORTUGUÊS

Olá, meu nome é Natália Mazotte, sou mestranda em Comunicação e Cultura pela

Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro e uma entusiasta do Couchsurfing.org. Elaborei esta

pesquisa para coletar dados para uma análise da construção de relações de confiança em

comunidades on-line. Se você acessou este link, é porque faz parte do grupo “Rio de Janeiro

City” no couchsurfing e está convidado a responder este questionário, uma contribuição

valiosa que vai levar menos de 2 minutos. Se quiser consultar mais referências a meu respeito,

veja meu Currículo Lattes (http://buscatextual.cnpq.br/buscatextual/visualizacv.do?

metodo=apresentar&id=K4251940J2) ou meu perfil no Couchsurfing

(http://www.couchsurfing.org/people/natalia.cortez).

Os dados serão utilizados somente para fins acadêmicos e não é necessário se

identificar, de modo que os participantes permanecerão anônimos. Obrigada por colaborar! Os

resultados deste estudo ficarão disponíveis e poderão ser consultados livremente por qualquer

interessado, ampliando o conhecimento sobre o Couchsurfing e as comunidades on-line.

1) Qual a sua idade?

( ) Entre 18 e 24 anos

( ) Entre 25 e 29 anos

( ) Entre 30 a 34 anos




( ) 60 anos ou mais

2) Qual o seu sexo?

( ) Feminino

( ) Masculino

3) Qual o seu grau de escolaridade?

( ) Ensino Fundamental incompleto

( ) Ensino Fundamental completo

( ) Ensino Médio incompleto

( ) Ensino Médio completo

( ) Ensino Superior incompleto

( ) Ensino Superior completo

( ) Pós-Graduação

4) Por que você participa da comunidade Rio de Janeiro?

( ) Moro no Rio de Janeiro

( ) Visitei ou pretendo visitar o Rio de Janeiro

5) O que mais pesa na sua análise de confiança para aceitar hospedar um membro

do Couchsurfing (numere na ordem de importância que você dá a cada item,

sendo 1 o mais importante e 10 o menos importante)?

( ) Descrições dadas pelo couchsurfer em seu perfil

( ) Se o Couchsurfer é verificado

( ) Se o Couchsurfer é atestado

( ) Nacionalidade do couchsurfer

( ) Se o couchsurfer é amigo/conhecido de um amigo meu

( ) Número de referências positivas

( ) Número de referências negativas

( ) Número de vezes que o couchsurfer já hospedou

( ) Número de vezes que o couchsurfer já foi hospedado

( ) Designações comunitárias do couchsurfer

( ) Troca de mensagens privadas com o couchsurfer

6) Você costuma pesquisar informações do couchsurfer que vai hospedar em outros

sites (além do próprio Couchsurfing.org)?

( ) Não.

( ) Sim, em buscadores como o Google

( ) Sim, em redes sociais como Facebook e Orkut

( ) Sim, em buscadores e redes sociais.

7) Você costuma pesquisar informações do couchsurfer que vai te receber como

hóspede em outros sites (além do próprio Couchsurfing.org)?

( ) Não.

( ) Sim, em buscadores como o Google

( ) Sim, em redes sociais como Facebook e Orkut

( ) Sim, em buscadores e redes sociais.

8) O que te motiva a participar do Couchsurfing (numere na ordem de importância

que você dá a cada item, sendo 1 o mais importante e 7 o menos importante)?

( ) Quero trocar experiências com pessoas diferentes

( ) Quero conhecer novas culturas

( ) Quero economizar em hospedagem

( ) Quero fazer amigos em diferentes partes do mundo

( ) Quero conhecer alguém que possa me dar dicas sobre o lugar que pretendo visitar

( ) Gosto de receber pessoas

( ) Quero praticar outros idiomas

9) Quantos couchsurfers você já hospedou em sua residência?

( ) Nenhum

( ) 1 couchsurfer

( ) 2 a 5 couchsurfers

( ) 5 a 9 couchsurfers

( ) 10 ou mais couchsurfers

10)Quantas vezes você se hospedou em residências de couchsurfers?

( ) Nenhuma

( ) 1 vez

( ) 2 a 5 vezes

( ) 5 a 9 vezes

( ) 10 ou mais vezes

11)Você costuma participar dos encontros presenciais da comunidade Rio de

Janeiro?

( ) Não, ainda não participei.

( ) Sim, já participei uma vez.

( ) Sim, freqüento às vezes

( ) Sim, freqüento regularmente.

12)Você já avaliou algum couchsurfer negativamente?

( ) Não

( ) Sim, apenas 1.

( ) Sim, entre 2 e 5


( ) Sim, mais de 10

13)Você já avaliou algum couchsurfer positivamente?

( ) Não

( ) Sim, apenas 1.



( ) Sim, mais de 10

14)Na sua busca por sofás para se hospedar, você costuma... (você pode marcar mais

de uma opção)

( ) Buscar livremente sofás disponíveis no seu lugar de destino

( ) Enviar pedidos de hospedagem diretamente a membros que conhece pessoalmente

( ) Usar o filtro “meus amigos”

( ) Usar o filtro “amigos dos meus amigos”

( ) Usar o filtro couchsurfer "verificado" (verified)

( ) Usar o filtro couchsurfer "atestado" (vouched)

( ) Usar o filtro couchsurfer "embaixador" (ambassador)

( ) Usar o filtro couchsurfer "em meus grupos" (in my groups)

15)Você já atestou algum couchsurfer?

( ) Não

( ) Sim, apenas pessoas que eu já conhecia antes de participar do Couchsurfing

( ) Sim, inclusive pessoas que eu conheci por meio do Couchsurfing (em encontros de

grupos, ex hóspedes, ex anfitriões, etc.)

* Esta pesquisa pode ser respondida aqui:

https://www.surveymonkey.com/s/grupoRJcouchsurfing.

APÊNDICE C – QUESTIONÁRIO EM INGLÊS

Hi, my name is Natália Mazotte, I’m a Master student of Communication and Culture

in the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro and an enthusiast of Couchsurfing.org. I

elaborated this survey in order to collect data for an analysis of the construction of trust

relationships in online communities. It is part of my final work to conclude the Master course.

If you are a member of "Rio de Janeiro City" group on Couchsurfing website, you’re invited

to answer this, a valuable contribution that will take less than 5 minutes to complete. If you

want to see more references about me, please find my resume in Lattes

(http://buscatextual.cnpq.br/buscatextual/visualizacv.do?

metodo=apresentar&id=K4251940J2), a platform for Brazilian researchers, or my

Couchsurfing profile (http://www.couchsurfing.org/people/natalia.cortez).

The collected data will be used only for academic purposes. It is not necessary to

identify yourself, participants will remain anonymous. Thank you so much for collaborating!

The results of this study will be published and may be freely consulted by any interested

party, expanding knowledge about Couchsurfing and online communities.

1) How old are you?

( ) From 18 to 24 years old






( ) 60 years or more

2) What is your gender?

( ) Female

( ) Male

3) What is your education level?

( ) Didn't graduate from high school

( ) High school diploma

( ) Some college

( ) 2-yr degree

( ) 4-yr degree

( ) Master's Degree

( ) PhD

4) Why did you join the “Rio de Janeiro city” couchsurfing group?

( ) I live in Rio de Janeiro

( ) I visited or intend to visit Rio de Janeiro

5) Do you attend the “Rio de Janeiro city” group meetings?

( ) No, I haven’t attended any yet.

( ) Yes, I’ve attended once.

( ) Yes, I’ve attended sometimes.

( ) Yes, I usually attend them.

6) What do you consider in your analysis of trust to accept hosting a Couchsurfing

member in your home? (number the options listed below in order of the

importance each one has to you, with 1 being the most important and 10 the least

important)?

( ) Descriptions posted by couchsurfers on their profile pages

( ) Whether the couchsurfer is a verified member

( ) Whether the couchsurfer is a checked member

( ) Whether the CouchSurfer is a friend / acquaintance of a friend of mine

( ) The couchsurfer’s nacionality

( ) Number of positives references

( ) Number of negatives references

( ) How many times the couchsurfer has hosted others

( ) How many times the couchsurfer has been hosted by others

( ) Community designations of the couchsurfer

( ) Private messages exchanged with the couchsurfer

7) Do you often search for information about the CouchSurfer you will host in other

sites (besides Couchsurfing.org)?

( ) No.

( ) Yes, in web search engines such as Google

( ) Yes, in social network sites such as Facebook

( ) Yes, in both web search engines and social network sites.

8) Do you often search for information about the CouchSurfer who will welcome

you as a guest in other sites (besides Couchsurfing.org)?

( ) No.

( ) Yes, in web search engines such as Google

( ) Yes, in social network sites such as Facebook

( ) Yes, in both web search engines and social network sites.

9) Why do you participate in Couchsurfing (number the options listed below in

order of the importance each one has to you, with 1 being the most important

and 7 the least important)?

( ) I’d like to exchange experiences with different people.

( ) I’d like to know other cultures.

( ) I’d like to save money from accommodation.

( ) I’d like to make friends in different parts of the world.

( ) I’d like to meet someone who can give me local tips about the place I intend to visit.

( ) I’d like to host people in my home.

( ) I’d like to practice other languages.

10)How many couchsurfers have you already hosted in your home?

( ) None

( ) 1 couchsurfer

( ) 2 to 5 couchsurfers

( ) 6 to 9 couchsurfers

( ) 10 or more couchsurfers

11) How many times have you stayed in other couchsurfing members’ home?

( ) None

( ) Once

( ) Twice to 5 times

( ) 6 to 9 times

( ) 10 or more times

12)In your couches search, you usually ... (you can tick more than one option)

( ) Search any couch available in the place I want to go

( ) Send requests directly to hosting members you know personally

( ) Mark the filter option “my friends”

( ) Mark the filter option “Friends of my Friends”

( ) Mark the filter option “Verified” couchsurfer

( ) Mark the filter option “Vouched” couchsurfer

( ) Mark the filter option “Ambassador”

( ) Mark the filter option “In my groups”

13)Have you ever given a negative review to any CouchSurfer?

( ) No

( ) Yes, just once.

( ) Yes, from 2 to 5 times


( ) Yes, more than 10 times

14)Have you ever given a positive review to any CouchSurfer?

( ) No

( ) Yes, just once.



( ) Yes, more than 10 times

15)Have you ever vouched a couchsurfer?

( ) No

( ) Yes, only people I already knew before participating in Couchsurfing

( ) Yes, including people I met through Couchsurfing website (in group meetings,

former guests, former hosts, etc.)

* This survey can be answered here: https://www.surveymonkey.com/s/RJcouchsurfinggroup.

APÊNDICE D – SCRAPING THACKER

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