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ISLAMTODAY

J ourrıal of the Islami c Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization - ISESCO -

Issue Number 14- 141h ye-ar

1417HI1996

- Psyd-ıoTECI-ıNolo

93 Psychoıechnology and the Muslim World : An Aıtempt toward Indigenizaıion

cohcepts and tools. The study has other questions which need to be answered· : for example, what are the respanses of individuals and ğroups to ·this psychotechnology ? Does the ummatic culture share the same: values ·Of the orthodox Westem psychology? Why does Japan and the Muslim world respond differently to psychotechnology ? How can the psychotechnology be adapted and improved to suit the ummatic culture ?. Our (Muslim) ·contemporary society has been invaded by new · technologies that have affected all spheres of life (ISESCO, -1990). · The question is whether to respond adequately to this · technology or to isoiate ourselves. It seerrıs that-research in the educational arena is very important in shaping a suitable response to the.invading technology. This is because "the ·educational s ector constitutes the basis ·of the advancement and development of society, and the introduction of technological imzovaıions ima it guarantees tlıeir dissenıination.in a steady andfimı mamıer." (Hilal i, I 987, p. 9). . . . . . . . . .

Westem cultures is the major producer of knowledge generally, and of the social and behavioural sciences ·particularly, and these have been expoıted, regardless· of their ethnocentrism, to both Islamic and other non~western cultures. Such imported sciences have· many limitations when applied in cultures other than their own. There is a need for cross-cultural comparisons which can d iseover .law s that are s tab le over· time and place and across different cultures and . societies .. The çı.doption . of cross-cu!tural · views can lead. to inter-cultural contacts, which, in turn, can lead to the discovery of a tru~ 'global', 'universal' or 'cosmopolitan' understanding. The important challenge facing the ummatic ·.culture is theprod\]ction of social and beh~vio~ral ·sciences· that are charact~rized by reliability and continuity without universal isolation : sciences that can reflect the spirit, roots, · values, · beliefs, and needs of individuals and groups towards a high level of innovation, creativity and development (Khaleefa & Ashria, I 9.95b). The history of psychoi?KY and social sciences in general in the ummatic culture is the history öf West.ernization, acculturat~on and deruralization, and · is associated with the educational system:; Western concepts becomes a part of the style of thinking· of individuals aıid groups· who are education ·in Westem schools. The methods and approaches of teaching; administering and research are either copied from the English, French or Arnereian systerris. It is true that all Musliıtı countries have their independence, however; they still have strong ties with their previous colonisers in most educational, economic and technological aspects. '

· In the Sudan, as in other ummatic counhies, üıere is an urgent need for psychotechno1ogy for educational, occupational and elinical assessment; classification and guiôance. However, there· are no staıidardized tests foı' the

Dr. Omar Hnroon Khııleefn 94

Sudanese locar environment except few attempts carried out by Scott (1 950) and Badr.i and Dennis (1964). Modem scientific psychology, though a child of Westem civilization, has developed many useful tools and practices which no nation can do completely without if it intends to technologize and develop its educational, .military, apd medical systems. Psychometry is an area in which Westem psychology has offered one of its greatest contributions to science. This is p~icularly . true of the more objective measurements like intelligence tests, personality inven~ories and vocational guidance tests. But for such Westem psychological tests to be of any helpin Muslim countries, a good deal of adaptatio·~ ~d standardization must be carried out. The great differences between European super-iridustrialized countries and our Muslim developing societies can invalidate the results of unadapted tests (Badri, 1979).

The aim of the present studies is to adopt and adapt Westem psychotechnology from Euro-American psychology and apply them to the local Sudanese culture. Three empiric;al .studies _have been .carried out between 1987 and 1995. In the fırst study, we intended to examine the applicability of the well known Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised (W AIS-R) when applied in the Sudan. In· the second study, we examined the application of creativity tests in a dua! educationai· system. In the third study, we attempted to examine the application of both creativity and vocabulary tests in a dual educational system (Khaleefa, Taha & Ashria, .1995).

·Study 1 : Intelligence Testing· and the Sudanese Culture . .

The· fırst study was represented by a group of a diverse volunteers, 30 and 801 as a pilot and main .study, .respectively. The number of males was 418 (52.2%), ·and of fem~I~s .. was. 383 (47.8%). Due to the majority of illiterate people in the Sudan (approximately 68.7%), the sample has been classifıed into two broad cat~gories of education : literate and illiterate (Khaleefa & Ashria, 1995a). The ~eli known Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised (W AIS-R), which COf!Sİsts of eleven sub-tests, was applied in the fırst study. It consists of two parts : verbal a.n9 .Performance, and it measures intelligence from 16-75 years and .. was developeo by David Wec!lsler in 1981. The whole test consists of six verbal sub-tests and fıve non-verbal (performance) sub-tests (Khaleefa, Erdos •.. 1$? Ashria, 1996). . . . . The. pilot study. revealed that 80% of Sudanese .subjects failed to respond adequately tb the ıPicture Arrangement test of the W AIS-R. 60% nf the subjects . did not respond suitably to the Information Test and 50% failed to. respond ''

95 Psychotechnology and the Muslim World : An Attempuoward Jndigeniz:ıtion

cornpletely to the General Comprehension test. 36 o/o were not ·farniliar. with sorne iterns of the Similarities Test. 14% of the Vocabulary Test-waS" foond to be unsuitable for the subjects. The inadequate responses elicited from the Sudanese sample to these sub-tests showed clearly the cultural bias ·of these tests. For the test to be adınİnistered fully, it takes between 90 and I 50 minutes (Khaleefa & Ashria, 1995a). The main study showed that the mean score for Iiterate subjects on the full scale was 104.3 ·(SD= 23.1), while .it was 69.8 (SD=l2.9) for illiterate subjects. The difference between literate a~d illiterate subjects scores were highly signifıcant. The study showed that there ~re signifıcant differences between regions : Khartoum obtaine~ the· h'ighes't s~ores (1 06.52) in the rneasured intelligence, while Darfur obtainedthe lowest scores (80.77). These variations in intelligence reflect the variations i~ ·:education, urbanization and Westemization.

Study 2 : Creativity Testing and the Sudanese Culture·

Thr~e hundred participants constituted the sample for the secon_~ study. They were considered with respect to their age, which ranged from 15-20 years. Traditional, modern and architectural educ~tion were repre,se~ted by .132, 132 and 36 subjects, respectively. Four creativity tests have been usedin the present study : (1) Consequences Test designed by Guilford et al (1987); · (2). ·The Altemative Uses Test, which is a revised and improved form of the Unusual JJses-'fest, and was designed by Guilford_and-Gujlford (1980); (3) The Cı'eative Personality Test, prepared by Habib (199Öa); (4) The Creative Activit~es List, prepared by Habib (1990b). The fırst two tests w.ere brought from Amefica and adapted to the Sudanese culture, while the seconçl two.tests we~e brought from Egypt. ...

The aim of the second study is · to examine the differences ·between .1

traditional or indigenous and modem or Western education· in creativi'ty. A signifıcant difference was found on creativity as measured by Consequences Test, favouring modem education (t=-6.31; P

Dr. Omar Haroon Khaleefa 96

Study .3 : Vocabulary and Creativity and the Sudanese Culture

Two hundred and ·eighty participants constituted the total sample for the third study. The partiCipants 'were selected with respect to their age, gender and type of education. Three educational institutions were considered in this study. The· average age of the participants was 20.3 years. Two tests have beeıi used in this ·study, narnely : The Altemative Uses Test (AUT) and the vocabulary test of the W AIS-R. The mean creativity scores for traditional and modern education were· 5.20 (SD= 1 .92) and 6.51 (SD=1.98), respectively. The difference between the two groups was significant and favoured modern education, and the effect size· was medium (d=0.67). The means vocabulary scores for traditional and modern educati0n · groups were 10.62 (SD= 1.38) and 1 1.68 (SD=l.l 1 ), respectively. The significant difference between the two groups favoured modem education and the effect size was large (d=0.85) (Khaleefa, 1995).

General Discussion

The fırst group of results of the present study showed clearly that some of the intelligence sub-tests were culturally biased when administered to the indigenous. Sudanese· culture. There are several aspects of pias. One aspect of this bias was the language. The original language of the test is English and the test needed to be administered in the indigenous Sudanese culture where Arabic

is. the spoken language. The second aspect was the unfamiliarity of some of the test items to Sudanese subjects. The third aspect was the time factor, Sudanese subjects need mçıre time to compl~te the test than American. The fourth aspects of bias was the level of literacy. The test has been constructed and applied in the US which is characterized by a high level of literacy. However, the majority of the Sudanese are illiterare (68.7%), according to the census of 1973. This factor handicapped the proper use of the test because some tests, e.g., the Digits Syml:ıol requires some literacy skills. It seems· that using modem and Western tools to assess the masses of illiterare people in the indigenous Sudanese culture can be seen as a erime committed by Euro-American psychology and there are some serious social, ethical and elinical cönsequences in categorising the majority of illiterare subjects as retarded or borderline in their abilities because they show an average intelligence of 69.8 according to the measure of intelligence. Another serious problem created by Euro-American psychology is that regional variations in IQ scores classify some regions as below average in their IQs. The variations between different regions iiı the Sudan is very significant for : Khartoum represents the highest IQ. scores ( 1 06.52) while the

97 Psychotechnology and the Muslim World : An Attempı toward lndigenization

Darfur region represent the lowest IQ (80.77) but these differences are related mainly to their variations in educational, westemization and urbanization levels (K.haleefa, Taha & Ashria, 1995).

In the Sudan, and perhaps other Muslim countries, students are generali y locked in to a system of marks, ratings and grades. This may be because of the lack of suitable psychological tools for assessment. In the Sudan, only 33% of children considered above average by the school are above average on the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Childfen, whilst in U.K 90% of children considered above average by the school scores above the average on this test. Many more children were over-estimated in their intelligence in the Sudan and regarded as gifted than in U.K. This was due to the fact that many children were judged by factor~ other than intelligence. These include family background, ability to verbalize and high achievement due to hard work by the child (Lowenstein, 1981 ).

The results of the second and third study showed clearly that there are significant differences between the intelligence and creativity scores of traditional and modem education system favouring modem education in most tests. Perhaps there are several explanations for these differences. On the one hand, high emphasis that is put on conformity by traditional education seems to block creativity. Dyk and Witkin (cited in Arasteh & Arasteh, 1976) have found a significantly negative relationship between the child's degree of differentiation and the degree to which the roother stressed conformity and limited her son's curiosity. Perhaps an other possible factor relates to the heavy emphasis on memorization, repetition and leaming by rote in traditional education. More emphasis on memorization is suggested to have a negative influence limiting creativity. According to lbn Khaldoun {trans., I 967), öne factor in the decline of Islamic education is the greater dependence upon memory in leaming texts with commentaries and supercommentaries thereon, repetitive in words while the meaning is one and the same. Another possible explanation is that traditional education puts too much emphasis on the authoritarian relationship between the teacher and the student. In the Sudan, the relationship between teacher and pupil is found to be based on fear and holiness (Abu Bakr, 1992). The system usually sees the teacher as giving and pupils as receiving (Brown & Hisket, 1975). As a result of the authoritarian characteristics of the teacher-student interaction, the system does not allow any chance for questioning and d iscussion.

This kind of resultand analysis seems to deny any seepe for creativity in !he traditional sociocuiJ:Ural and educational system. lt seems that the low scores of traditional education in creativity are no_t related only to internal social and

Dr. Omar Haroon Khaleefa 98

cultural factors ; but probably also to other demographic or extemal factors. Possible explanations for the higher creativity scores of modem-educated students Iie in demographic differences, such as the modemization of the family, the level of the socio-economic status and urbanization. In the Sudan, modern families are found to be interested in the development of each individual family member and to promote incre

99 Psychotechnology :ınd the Muslim World : An Attempııow:ırd lndigeniz:ıtion

needs to relate hummıly to other men. Creativeness with. isolation is differellf fronı creativeness with nıutuality. Selfactualization, /ike true psychological health, requires both creativity and human relatedness. The complete selfactualization is. inıpossible without socio-selfactualiza~iqn, then we will define a new reality in wh.ich man's role is that of relating creativiıy to others wlıile working toward the creative realization of lıinıself." (Foster, 1968).

There are som·e limitations to both the internal cultural forces and the extemal Westem assessmen.t of intelligen~e and creativity. In applying a complete Westem perspective to assess creativity in its traditiona.l or indigenous context, there is a serlous problem in ·seeing this conte~t as an impediment.to creativitj : wha~ is ~alled the 'creatocastration' : which means the system c.astrates the creativity of its. individuals (Khaleefa, 1993). There ~re serious problems in attempting to understand intelligence and creativity within the ummatic system because there is no . complete system of ummatic psychology to understand intelligence and creativity in its local setting. More specifically, there are no native tests or tools to assess Intelligence and creativity psychometrically. We agree wi~h Azuma (1984) .iı:ı his discussion of the problem of both Western and indigenous psychologies in understanding th~ traditional sociocultural system. He noted that "the inıported psychology .mqy fa il to develop a full appreciation of the traditional culture and may be applied prenıaturely with disturbing rather than beneficial consequences; m~d the indigenous psychology that nıight lıave colltributed to the developnıellt of mainstream psychology may renıain parochial ~nd pre-scieJZtific" . These· two problems, the · ı imitations of Western psychology and the lack of a cömplete ummatic· system of analysis, lead to what we called the · predicanient of intelligence and creativity (and perhaps of psychology) in the uriımatic culture . This predicament paves the way to one of the most crucial questions in this study : what kind of relationship can be developed between the advanced Westem and the growing ummatic psychology to understand Jocal psychological phenomena ?

lndigenization of Psychotechnology

Indigenization is the act or process of making predominantly indigenous; adaptation or subjectian to indigenous influence or dominance. Webster's Third New International Dictionary defines the word indigenons as follows : "nati-l!e : ( 1) not introduced directly or indirecıly according to histOJ·ical record or scientific analysis into a particu/ar Land or region or environnıem fronı the

Dr. Omar Haroon Kh:ıleef:ı 100

outside, (2) origitıaıing or developing or produced naturally in a particu/ar /and or region or environnıellt, ( 3) of, re fating to, or designed for natives". The science which studies psychological functioning· in indigenous cultures is ca ll ed indigenous psychology. It is the study of individuals and groups as they perceive themselves in terms of their sociocultural system. Thus, indigenization is derived from the word indigenous and, in psychological terms, it is the transplantation of psychotechnology to suit the soil of the ummatic culture. The incorporation of Westem psychotechnology into the ummatic culture can be transplanted effectively through several stages that might take many decades of effort and patience. These are : (1) the adoption stage; (i) the adaptation stage; (3) the uinmatization stage. In examining these stages, it is very useful to learn a lesson from the world 's_ most skillful nation in the 20th century, namely, Japan. Japan is the leading country in Asian tiger economy, characterized with high technology and high skills, hard working styles and high investment. T~ere are some similarities between Japan and the Islamic world in terms of family stability, strong social relations and respect of sacred values. Our adıniration of Japan does not mean that it is the absolute model to copy in the ummatic culture; it is more appropriate to respond to its experience in adopting, and adapting psychology and devetoping technology together with the preservation of social values.

Adeption

Adoption is the action of taking or the fact of being taken into any relationship. It is a legal term and refers to the area of family adoption in which children are fostered either by relatives or by family members by marriage, frequently a_ step-parent of the adopted child. In the present study. the term has been borrowed to specify the process of transfering psychotechnology which is exported from Westem culture and hosted in the ummatic culture. As several problems occur in the process of transfering a child between the biological and psychologic_al parents, also some problems occur in the area of adopting psychotechnology such as acceptance, rejection, identification, relatedness and separation. In the first stage of ind igeni~ing psychotechnology there is a . need for modem psychology, with its tools and inethods, to be adopted by and transplanted into the ummatic culture. During. this stage we can look at the most appropriate tools and methods that can be applied across sociocultural systems. Psychotechnology has been imported from Etiro-America and exported to the ummatic cultiıre. However, this technology has not been adopted and transplanred effectively to suit the local conditions for national progress and

101 Psychoıechnology :ınd the Muslim World : An Aııeınpı ıow:ırd lndigcniı:ııion

development. "Technology transplarıt bor:ows a metaphor from biology to imply the need for receptivity in the host body. Some compatibility is needed between the thing "transplanted" (be it a heart or seed) and the recipient. There has been a considerable amount of technology transfer to the Third. World ·in the ·tası 30 years, but very few little technology transplant. Especici.lly in Africa. very little of what has been transferred has in fact been successfully tr.ansplallted. Very little has taken root. White the normative clinıate.... is favourable to technology. the structural and sociological soil is stili re/atively barren." (Maznıi, 1985, p.182).

The potential contribution of psychology to research and its application in the area of national development is rather large: Development is defıned as "the process of individuals and groups moving from some preselli staıe to some more valued end state, then psychology can contribute in the fol/owing ways : understanding the present state, understanding the valuec! end state. understanding the process of change, design implementation. and evaluation of development . programs." (Berry et al, 1992, pp. 385-386). Modernization without development leaves a nation dependent on outsiders (Europe and America). This is because the former is almost always induced, and it is the metropolitan society (in this case Europe and America) which drives· the real benefıt (Freire, 1972). The promotion of consumerism; by Western psychotechnology in the ummatic culture is about modernization and not development. ·"Consumption patterns are a reflection of values. eitlıer new or old. Production techniques would be a reflection of skills. The West has been mbre successful in popula;rizing its values and tastes than bı transp/anting its ski/ls. This balance has often been deliberate. Creating a taste for Westem goods without a local capability for producing them was often more profitable for the West than exportbıg both tastes and techniques. Even in exporting capitalism asa system, the West has been more effective in exporting the profit motive than the entrepreneurial skills. The profit motive is a desire for profit. But to be motivated for profit is not necessarily to be skille d· in securing it." (Mazrui, 1985).

Most Arabic books on psychology which havt:?. appeared in the Jast forty years reveal that this period has been one of uncritical assimHation and copying. The chronic problems of psychological studies in the West were transplanted in us with all the West's hostile and scornful disregar~~ for the influence of the spiritual and moral in the formatian of the human psyche in general and of the Muslim psyche in particnlar (Al-Hashmi, 1981 ). Departmertts of psychology in the Muslim World are structured according to Western departments. Some

Dr. Om:ır H:ıroon Kh:ıteefıı 102

departments are suppoıted by Western funds and h~ve reJations with foreign depaıtments of psychoJogy rather than with JocaJ ones. Most of the research that has been carried out Jocally is a repetition and dupJication of foreign studies. In the Sudan, most psychoJogists at universities have their training in the West. Of the twenty Sudanese leeturers whom we know, having Ph.D.s in psychology, sixteen of them (80%) studied at Western universities, 2 (10%) at Egyptian universities, and 2 (10%) at Sudanese universities. Therefore, adoption of psychotechnoJogy is not enough. Psychological tests have been adopted and translated as part of the modernization process but not adapted effectively to suit the Jocal conditions of the ummatic cuJtiıre neither have psychologists beeıi inspired to create original psychotechnology that can reflect the spirit of:the umı:natic culture. This dilemma leads us to the second stage of the adaptation of psychotechnology. ·

Adaptation

The term "adaptation" has been borrowed fro·m bioJogy which is .used to deseribe the process of physical changes that heJp the organism to survive adequateJy in . the environriıent In the present study, it meams the process or action of modifying psychotechnology that is impoıted from the Wes~ to be better fıtted in the Jocal soil of the umma. Thus, adaptation is a form of

· modifıcation to fit a new· use, . new condition, new environment, ete. Several psychoJogicaJ tests have beeiı copied, transJated and appJied verbatim and uncritically, · and . few have been modifıed, fitted and standardized in the ummatic cuJture. By standardization we mean that a test has beern applied to a

. representative sampJe; has adequate norms, has clear instructions of application and scoring procedures, and has data on validity and reJiability. In the area of psychoJogical testing, few attempts of adaptation and standardization have been carried out in the Sudan. · Euro-American tests · which are used in the Sudan ineJude intelligence, personality and creativity. Intelligence tests . which are investigated by Sudanese psychoJogists ineJude : e.g., the ·Draw-a-Man-Test, the WechsJer Adults Intelligence Scale-Revised (WAIS-R), the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for C.hildren (WISC). Personality tests ineJude : e.g., the Eysenck Personality Inventory (EPI), the· Minnesota Multipha.sic Personality Inventory (MMPn, the ~orschadı Inkblots .Tec.hniques (RIT). Cre.ativity tests include : e.g., the Consequerices Test, the AJternative Uses Test. . . '· .. ,. . . .

The major questions thatcan be asked in the second stage·.are as follows .: Is it possible to adapt psychotechnology without accuJturation to Western values ? How can psychotechnology be adapted .rigorousJy to su it the local .soil.? Could

103 Psychoıechnology and ılıe Muslim World : An Aueınpı ıoward lııdigeniznıion

it be possib.le to have Western technology with· Islamic values ? "Development is a product of three social forces-political, econonıic and cultural. Economic development occurs JZOt nıerely wh.~n economic conditions are right, buı also '!"hen the poliıical sitıtotion is receptive and t/J,e cultural cantext is c~ngeniql. In the post, technology had been a wıique aspect of each culture. But the spread of Westenı technology to other cowıtries in the last two centuries has posed cultural dilemnıas in those co~mtries_. One persistent question has been wlıetlıer economic modenıization is possible without cultural Westenıization. Japan, after the Meiji Restomtion in I 868, decided that it was indeed possible to industrialize and modemize without capitulating to Western cultures. Hehce the slogan of Meiji industrialism. Westenı Technique, Japanese Spirit." (Mazrui, 1985, p. 177). From th~ time Meiji Japan wa~ first opened up .for Western infl,uence, there was aninterest in learning about psychology from the West. Arnane Nishi published an encyclopaedia of science araund 1870 irı which Western psychology was first introduced. Nishi was a pioneer who tried to gnisp and relay the entire structure of Western thought in the interest of modernizing Japan. After 1920, in Japan, there was a steady increase in the number of psychologicai studies of an applied nature. Perhaps what

spearheaded this trend was the mental testing movement, with its substantial practical influence. Binet-type intelligence tests and group intelligence tests

were adapted to Japanese use in the early 1 920s. They were used for persoıınel classification in education, labour, and the mili"tary. Technical aptitude tests as well as tests of work habits were developed and ad ministered in the 1 930s. These tests had a _certain usefulness .in reducing accidents and improving efficiency (Azuma, 1984).

One of the large tasks insisted upon by the ruling occupation powers waş the social and psychologica.l reform of JapaJ)ese society. Psychology was expected by both Japanese and Allied leaders to help guide such reform. Areas of study . that quickly spread duri~g this period ~ere gro~p psychology, elinical ' psychology, social psychology, and anthropological. psychology. Kurt Le w i n was one psychologist who· was well-known In pre-;,.,ar jılpan. Consequently, Lewinian studies of smail groups were among the first to take root in post-war Japan. The advantages that showed for demecratic Jeadership over autocratic leadership were given great play in the reform of post-war Japan. Macro-social psychology also was used to point up the feudal, autocratic and· irrational aspects of pre-war and wartime Japan, and invoked' to -help establish a ,ınore "democratic" society (Azuma, 1984). Mazrui ( 1978)- asked this question : -to

what extent is it possible to import Westem technical skills without at the same

Dr. Omar Haroon Khaleefa 104

time importing also such aspects of the Westem way of life as are relevant and

necessary for the use of such skills ? Furthermore, to what extent might such

skills, devoid of their relevant Westem cultural accompaniments, succeed in 'the

African cultural cantext? For traditional African societies succeeded admirably

in b~ing able to teach skills which were compatible with their own sacred

values. It is this harmonious relationship between the two arms of education

which is now largely lost. The answer might lie in the dual strategy of

Africanizing humanistic studies, on the one hand, and increasing technical and vocational training on the other.

In Japan same researchers (e.g., Lebar, Misumi, quoted by Kim, 1 994) have

noted that ind~strialization, urbanization and capital ism have not signifıcantly

altered the underlying cultural value system that emphasizes human-relatedness.

Although many extemal features of Japanese culture have changed, the core

elements of the culture that emphasize human-relatedness remain strong.

Misumi notes that the phenomenal economic progress of Japan has been

achieved because of the maintenance of human-relatedness, and not in spite of

it. Although capitalism has altered external features of Japanese culture,

capitalism itself was modifıed to fıt underlying Japanese cultural values that

emphasize human-relatedness. In a country such as Japan, the ability to respond collectively to both internal and external challenges remains intact.

It is to ask whether a product of the last few centuries of the Euro-American

experience can be useful to Muslims; whether that product can be transplanted

into the value-framework and intellectual traditions of peoples who for a much

langer period have been taught the intellectual, moral, socio-political and

cultural experience of Islam (Mauroof, 1981 ). It see m s that the right answer to

this question is that the product is useful and valuable. "This does not nıean that psychology developed in the Westem culture has no valuefor solving prob{ems in other cultures. lt is like using computer software developed to solve one

problem for sornewhat different problems. The existing software provides a good start. But new nodes and loops must be added and some parts by-passed in order to deal effectively with the new problem." (Azuma, 1984, p. 49). Therefore, psychological tools and methods developed in the West cannot be

applied spontaneously in the ummatic culture. However, they need rigorous

adaptation in order to enjoy an adequate appJicability in the local environment

(Khaleefa, Taha, & Ashria, 1995).

105 Psychotechnology and the Muslim World : An Attempt toward lndigenization

Ummatization

The ummah is the social order of Islam, and the movement that seeks to actualize its goals is called ummatism (Langgulung, 1989). Since man's vicegerency is necessarily social, the sciences that study it ~hould. properly be called Urnmatic. If we continue to call them social, wedoso in defıance of the West which insists on separating them from the humanities. W e must remember that the study of society cannot be· free from judgement and valuation and is, therefore, subject to the same rigour, or absence of it, as philosop~y. theology, law, literature and the arts. Conversely, the humanities are as much concerned with the urnmah as the so-called social disciplines, and are capable of applying the same principles of validation to their materials and conclusions (AI-Faruqi, 1981 ). The present psychology in the ummatic culture is divorced from both the creative past of the Islamic civilization and the creative present of the Westem thought. W e need creative ummatic psychologists who can understand both the great tradition in thepastand the present modem thought, and to consider all the processes and development, between them so as to make history living, active and effective. The spirit of imitation in ·psychology has been exported from the West, and not the techniques and methods. We took from the past the spirit of staticness and not the spirit of vitality and productivity.

The current intellectual and cultural confusion characterized by the Islamic world has nöt yet reached the paint of no return. The Muslim ummah stili has the opportunity to rebuild an integrated civilization, cement ranks and establish new educational, scientific, cultural and intellectual bases for the entire Islamic ~orld (Altwaijri, 1994). Scientific·instruction would rely on the Islamic theory of knowledge whilst technological instruction would take into consideration the social and material needs of the Muslim World in the light of the Islamic concept of man and society (ISESCO, i 990). It is important for Muslim psychologists not to rely solely on· the adaptations of existing measurement ·; tools. They must develop the originality and the self-confıdence which will allow them to use the methods and principles of assessment to create their own measurement tools. They can even tap the measurement of new variables peculiar to Muslim subjects, thus offering their own· contributions to psychology and breaking the chain of mental slavery to the West (Badri, 1979).

Relations between the scientific psychology o_~ the W est and ummatic psychology can take many fonns, including dependence, independence and integration. Ummatic psychology in order to refıne its tools would be better to integrate with modem psychology rather than separate from it. The integration

Dr. Omar Hııroon K haleefa 106

between modern psychology and ummatic psychology, in the fırst stage, and the development of scientific and innovative indigenous psychology, in the secoı:ıd stage, can help toward the creation of new concepts, tools and methods. These concepts and method s need to be Qefined, verified, tested, compared and contrasted with other studies in non-westem cultures. Integration could enrich the promotion and diffusion of psychological knowledge in a. more universal understanding. The rich ummatic socio-cultural and psycho-spiritual traditions and values need to be studied and analysed in depth to allow ummatic psychoJogists to have an enonnous contribution to the development of psychology in both theoretical and applied aspects. At this stage, without the enrichment contributed by the ummatic culture, Euro-American psychology is of limited. value.

Ummatization and ummaticness of psychology cannot be realized wi~hout encouraging enthusiastic ummatic psychologists through adequate training, preparing good tools for research and providing generous grants for research, conferences, library facilities, workshops, innovative writings ete. An ummatic psycholo~ical society and the publication of such joumals are alsa needed. "Of course an active lslamicpsyclwlogical society w(tlı frequent scholarly meetilıgs in which papers are read, published and circiılated and in which lslamic psychologists can cooperate in publisbing a jounıal of /slanıic psyclıology can be of unlinıited help in changing passive Muslim psychologists into dynanıic practising Islanıic scholars." (Badri, I 979, ·P· 1 23). In the future, there is a need for an ummatic civilizational project that is to have unifıed psychological tests in the Muslim world, considering the cultural, social. and moral values. In the fırst stage of the project, there is a need to consult the cultural Atlas of the Muslim World including the "Far Eastenz Region, South Asia, the Gulf Region, Fertile Crescent, North Africa, West Africa, Central and East Africa and Muslim Minorities." (Saqeb, 1990). lmplementing this major -civilizational project and shouldering this heavy responsibility fall within the task assumed by the Islamic Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization and. its sister organizations, institutions and bodies operating within the framework of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, in addition to similar organizations throughout the lslamic World (Aitwaijri, 1994).

Psychology gives tools, techniques and methods that can engineer and shape · our behaviour and can contribute to the development of the Umma. Ummatic

psychologists, who understand the needs of the Umma, will u~e psychological knowledge properly according to the Umma's heart and mind. If we achieved

107 Pı:ychotechnology and the Muslim World : An Anempı ıownrd lndigenizııtion

this, then we could validate our ummatic psychology and make it reliable without universal isolation. Practicalicy in method and approach and dynamism in administration and application are also needed. There is a need for dynamic ummatic psychology that can reflect the spirit of the ummatic cultural system, its needs, beliefs, values and identity : psychology that can proınote effecti:vely the productivity of both ·individuals and groups toward · a high le ve~ of development. Here we emphasize a need for creative and innovative psychology that can contribute positively to both the ummatic cultural system and to the advancement of mankind in general.

Dr. Omar Haroon Khııleefıı 108

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109 Psychotechnology.nnd the Muslim World: An Attempt ıownrd lndigeniz:ıtion

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Address. llı the Proceedings of the Symposiıım on Educatiollal Applications of the Computer.. ISESCO, in cooperation with the Faculty of Education of Mohammad V University, Rahat, 5-9 January. ·

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' ' Cuittitai, and Scientific Öfganization), pp. 106- I 31 .

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ISLAMTODAY

J ourrıal of the Islami c Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization - ISESCO -

Issue Number 14- 141h ye-ar

1417HI1996

- Psyd-ıoTECI-ıNolo

93 Psychoıechnology and the Muslim World : An Aıtempt toward Indigenizaıion

cohcepts and tools. The study has other questions which need to be answered· : for example, what are the respanses of individuals and ğroups to ·this psychotechnology ? Does the ummatic culture share the same: values ·Of the orthodox Westem psychology? Why does Japan and the Muslim world respond differently to psychotechnology ? How can the psychotechnology be adapted and improved to suit the ummatic culture ?. Our (Muslim) ·contemporary society has been invaded by new · technologies that have affected all spheres of life (ISESCO, -1990). · The question is whether to respond adequately to this · technology or to isoiate ourselves. It seerrıs that-research in the educational arena is very important in shaping a suitable response to the.invading technology. This is because "the ·educational s ector constitutes the basis ·of the advancement and development of society, and the introduction of technological imzovaıions ima it guarantees tlıeir dissenıination.in a steady andfimı mamıer." (Hilal i, I 987, p. 9). . . . . . . . . .

Westem cultures is the major producer of knowledge generally, and of the social and behavioural sciences ·particularly, and these have been expoıted, regardless· of their ethnocentrism, to both Islamic and other non~western cultures. Such imported sciences have· many limitations when applied in cultures other than their own. There is a need for cross-cultural comparisons which can d iseover .law s that are s tab le over· time and place and across different cultures and . societies .. The çı.doption . of cross-cu!tural · views can lead. to inter-cultural contacts, which, in turn, can lead to the discovery of a tru~ 'global', 'universal' or 'cosmopolitan' understanding. The important challenge facing the ummatic ·.culture is theprod\]ction of social and beh~vio~ral ·sciences· that are charact~rized by reliability and continuity without universal isolation : sciences that can reflect the spirit, roots, · values, · beliefs, and needs of individuals and groups towards a high level of innovation, creativity and development (Khaleefa & Ashria, I 9.95b). The history of psychoi?KY and social sciences in general in the ummatic culture is the history öf West.ernization, acculturat~on and deruralization, and · is associated with the educational system:; Western concepts becomes a part of the style of thinking· of individuals aıid groups· who are education ·in Westem schools. The methods and approaches of teaching; administering and research are either copied from the English, French or Arnereian systerris. It is true that all Musliıtı countries have their independence, however; they still have strong ties with their previous colonisers in most educational, economic and technological aspects. '

· In the Sudan, as in other ummatic counhies, üıere is an urgent need for psychotechno1ogy for educational, occupational and elinical assessment; classification and guiôance. However, there· are no staıidardized tests foı' the

Dr. Omar Hnroon Khııleefn 94

Sudanese locar environment except few attempts carried out by Scott (1 950) and Badr.i and Dennis (1964). Modem scientific psychology, though a child of Westem civilization, has developed many useful tools and practices which no nation can do completely without if it intends to technologize and develop its educational, .military, apd medical systems. Psychometry is an area in which Westem psychology has offered one of its greatest contributions to science. This is p~icularly . true of the more objective measurements like intelligence tests, personality inven~ories and vocational guidance tests. But for such Westem psychological tests to be of any helpin Muslim countries, a good deal of adaptatio·~ ~d standardization must be carried out. The great differences between European super-iridustrialized countries and our Muslim developing societies can invalidate the results of unadapted tests (Badri, 1979).

The aim of the present studies is to adopt and adapt Westem psychotechnology from Euro-American psychology and apply them to the local Sudanese culture. Three empiric;al .studies _have been .carried out between 1987 and 1995. In the fırst study, we intended to examine the applicability of the well known Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised (W AIS-R) when applied in the Sudan. In· the second study, we examined the application of creativity tests in a dua! educationai· system. In the third study, we attempted to examine the application of both creativity and vocabulary tests in a dual educational system (Khaleefa, Taha & Ashria, .1995).

·Study 1 : Intelligence Testing· and the Sudanese Culture . .

The· fırst study was represented by a group of a diverse volunteers, 30 and 801 as a pilot and main .study, .respectively. The number of males was 418 (52.2%), ·and of fem~I~s .. was. 383 (47.8%). Due to the majority of illiterate people in the Sudan (approximately 68.7%), the sample has been classifıed into two broad cat~gories of education : literate and illiterate (Khaleefa & Ashria, 1995a). The ~eli known Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised (W AIS-R), which COf!Sİsts of eleven sub-tests, was applied in the fırst study. It consists of two parts : verbal a.n9 .Performance, and it measures intelligence from 16-75 years and .. was developeo by David Wec!lsler in 1981. The whole test consists of six verbal sub-tests and fıve non-verbal (performance) sub-tests (Khaleefa, Erdos •.. 1$? Ashria, 1996). . . . . The. pilot study. revealed that 80% of Sudanese .subjects failed to respond adequately tb the ıPicture Arrangement test of the W AIS-R. 60% nf the subjects . did not respond suitably to the Information Test and 50% failed to. respond ''

95 Psychotechnology and the Muslim World : An Attempuoward Jndigeniz:ıtion

cornpletely to the General Comprehension test. 36 o/o were not ·farniliar. with sorne iterns of the Similarities Test. 14% of the Vocabulary Test-waS" foond to be unsuitable for the subjects. The inadequate responses elicited from the Sudanese sample to these sub-tests showed clearly the cultural bias ·of these tests. For the test to be adınİnistered fully, it takes between 90 and I 50 minutes (Khaleefa & Ashria, 1995a). The main study showed that the mean score for Iiterate subjects on the full scale was 104.3 ·(SD= 23.1), while .it was 69.8 (SD=l2.9) for illiterate subjects. The difference between literate a~d illiterate subjects scores were highly signifıcant. The study showed that there ~re signifıcant differences between regions : Khartoum obtaine~ the· h'ighes't s~ores (1 06.52) in the rneasured intelligence, while Darfur obtainedthe lowest scores (80.77). These variations in intelligence reflect the variations i~ ·:education, urbanization and Westemization.

Study 2 : Creativity Testing and the Sudanese Culture·

Thr~e hundred participants constituted the sample for the secon_~ study. They were considered with respect to their age, which ranged from 15-20 years. Traditional, modern and architectural educ~tion were repre,se~ted by .132, 132 and 36 subjects, respectively. Four creativity tests have been usedin the present study : (1) Consequences Test designed by Guilford et al (1987); · (2). ·The Altemative Uses Test, which is a revised and improved form of the Unusual JJses-'fest, and was designed by Guilford_and-Gujlford (1980); (3) The Cı'eative Personality Test, prepared by Habib (199Öa); (4) The Creative Activit~es List, prepared by Habib (1990b). The fırst two tests w.ere brought from Amefica and adapted to the Sudanese culture, while the seconçl two.tests we~e brought from Egypt. ...

The aim of the second study is · to examine the differences ·between .1

traditional or indigenous and modem or Western education· in creativi'ty. A signifıcant difference was found on creativity as measured by Consequences Test, favouring modem education (t=-6.31; P

Dr. Omar Haroon Khaleefa 96

Study .3 : Vocabulary and Creativity and the Sudanese Culture

Two hundred and ·eighty participants constituted the total sample for the third study. The partiCipants 'were selected with respect to their age, gender and type of education. Three educational institutions were considered in this study. The· average age of the participants was 20.3 years. Two tests have beeıi used in this ·study, narnely : The Altemative Uses Test (AUT) and the vocabulary test of the W AIS-R. The mean creativity scores for traditional and modern education were· 5.20 (SD= 1 .92) and 6.51 (SD=1.98), respectively. The difference between the two groups was significant and favoured modern education, and the effect size· was medium (d=0.67). The means vocabulary scores for traditional and modern educati0n · groups were 10.62 (SD= 1.38) and 1 1.68 (SD=l.l 1 ), respectively. The significant difference between the two groups favoured modem education and the effect size was large (d=0.85) (Khaleefa, 1995).

General Discussion

The fırst group of results of the present study showed clearly that some of the intelligence sub-tests were culturally biased when administered to the indigenous. Sudanese· culture. There are several aspects of pias. One aspect of this bias was the language. The original language of the test is English and the test needed to be administered in the indigenous Sudanese culture where Arabic

is. the spoken language. The second aspect was the unfamiliarity of some of the test items to Sudanese subjects. The third aspect was the time factor, Sudanese subjects need mçıre time to compl~te the test than American. The fourth aspects of bias was the level of literacy. The test has been constructed and applied in the US which is characterized by a high level of literacy. However, the majority of the Sudanese are illiterare (68.7%), according to the census of 1973. This factor handicapped the proper use of the test because some tests, e.g., the Digits Syml:ıol requires some literacy skills. It seems· that using modem and Western tools to assess the masses of illiterare people in the indigenous Sudanese culture can be seen as a erime committed by Euro-American psychology and there are some serious social, ethical and elinical cönsequences in categorising the majority of illiterare subjects as retarded or borderline in their abilities because they show an average intelligence of 69.8 according to the measure of intelligence. Another serious problem created by Euro-American psychology is that regional variations in IQ scores classify some regions as below average in their IQs. The variations between different regions iiı the Sudan is very significant for : Khartoum represents the highest IQ. scores ( 1 06.52) while the

97 Psychotechnology and the Muslim World : An Attempı toward lndigenization

Darfur region represent the lowest IQ (80.77) but these differences are related mainly to their variations in educational, westemization and urbanization levels (K.haleefa, Taha & Ashria, 1995).

In the Sudan, and perhaps other Muslim countries, students are generali y locked in to a system of marks, ratings and grades. This may be because of the lack of suitable psychological tools for assessment. In the Sudan, only 33% of children considered above average by the school are above average on the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Childfen, whilst in U.K 90% of children considered above average by the school scores above the average on this test. Many more children were over-estimated in their intelligence in the Sudan and regarded as gifted than in U.K. This was due to the fact that many children were judged by factor~ other than intelligence. These include family background, ability to verbalize and high achievement due to hard work by the child (Lowenstein, 1981 ).

The results of the second and third study showed clearly that there are significant differences between the intelligence and creativity scores of traditional and modem education system favouring modem education in most tests. Perhaps there are several explanations for these differences. On the one hand, high emphasis that is put on conformity by traditional education seems to block creativity. Dyk and Witkin (cited in Arasteh & Arasteh, 1976) have found a significantly negative relationship between the child's degree of differentiation and the degree to which the roother stressed conformity and limited her son's curiosity. Perhaps an other possible factor relates to the heavy emphasis on memorization, repetition and leaming by rote in traditional education. More emphasis on memorization is suggested to have a negative influence limiting creativity. According to lbn Khaldoun {trans., I 967), öne factor in the decline of Islamic education is the greater dependence upon memory in leaming texts with commentaries and supercommentaries thereon, repetitive in words while the meaning is one and the same. Another possible explanation is that traditional education puts too much emphasis on the authoritarian relationship between the teacher and the student. In the Sudan, the relationship between teacher and pupil is found to be based on fear and holiness (Abu Bakr, 1992). The system usually sees the teacher as giving and pupils as receiving (Brown & Hisket, 1975). As a result of the authoritarian characteristics of the teacher-student interaction, the system does not allow any chance for questioning and d iscussion.

This kind of resultand analysis seems to deny any seepe for creativity in !he traditional sociocuiJ:Ural and educational system. lt seems that the low scores of traditional education in creativity are no_t related only to internal social and

Dr. Omar Haroon Khaleefa 98

cultural factors ; but probably also to other demographic or extemal factors. Possible explanations for the higher creativity scores of modem-educated students Iie in demographic differences, such as the modemization of the family, the level of the socio-economic status and urbanization. In the Sudan, modern families are found to be interested in the development of each individual family member and to promote incre

99 Psychotechnology :ınd the Muslim World : An Attempııow:ırd lndigeniz:ıtion

needs to relate hummıly to other men. Creativeness with. isolation is differellf fronı creativeness with nıutuality. Selfactualization, /ike true psychological health, requires both creativity and human relatedness. The complete selfactualization is. inıpossible without socio-selfactualiza~iqn, then we will define a new reality in wh.ich man's role is that of relating creativiıy to others wlıile working toward the creative realization of lıinıself." (Foster, 1968).

There are som·e limitations to both the internal cultural forces and the extemal Westem assessmen.t of intelligen~e and creativity. In applying a complete Westem perspective to assess creativity in its traditiona.l or indigenous context, there is a serlous problem in ·seeing this conte~t as an impediment.to creativitj : wha~ is ~alled the 'creatocastration' : which means the system c.astrates the creativity of its. individuals (Khaleefa, 1993). There ~re serious problems in attempting to understand intelligence and creativity within the ummatic system because there is no . complete system of ummatic psychology to understand intelligence and creativity in its local setting. More specifically, there are no native tests or tools to assess Intelligence and creativity psychometrically. We agree wi~h Azuma (1984) .iı:ı his discussion of the problem of both Western and indigenous psychologies in understanding th~ traditional sociocultural system. He noted that "the inıported psychology .mqy fa il to develop a full appreciation of the traditional culture and may be applied prenıaturely with disturbing rather than beneficial consequences; m~d the indigenous psychology that nıight lıave colltributed to the developnıellt of mainstream psychology may renıain parochial ~nd pre-